Category: J. Stalin
Russia: Thousands of people celebrated the October Revolution’s centennial despite Kremlin’s deliberate silence

Wednesday, November 8, 2017

Russia: Thousands of people celebrated the October Revolution’s centennial despite Kremlin’s deliberate silence

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/11/russia-thousands-of-people-celebrated.html
 
With numerous events, rallies and parades, thousands of people of every age celebrated the 100 years since the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia and other countries of the former USSR. The celebrations took place despite the deliberate effort from the side of the Russian government to “distract” public opinion from the great anniversary. 
 
Large rallies, organised by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) and the Russian Communist Workers Party (RCWP), took place in Moscow, Leningrad (St.Petersburg), Novosibirsk, Omsk and other smaller cities. 
In Moscow, the demonstrators marched through the Pushkin Square to the Revolution Square waving the flags of the Lenin Komsomol, portraits of Lenin and Stalin, as well as chanting communist slogans. Then a rally was held in front of Statue of Karl Marx in the Revolution square. Many representatives of communist parties and left-wing political forces participated in the events.
 
Among the participants were representatives from the Communist Party of Greece (KKE), members and friends of the National Union of Fighters of National Resistance – Democratic Army of Greece (PEAEA-DSE), as well as the Secretary General of the World Peace Council, also member of the CC of the KKE, Thanasis Pafilis. 
Greek communists holding banners of the Democratic Army and the KKE / 902.gr
Banners of the KKE and TKP in Moscow / 902.gr
From Cuba, on behalf of the Cuban Communist Party and President Raul Castro, the member of the PCC Central Committee Secretariat, Jose Ramon Balaguer, laid a floral wreath on behalf of the Cuban people to commemorate the Great October Socialist Revolution. The head of the International Relations Department of the PCC paid tribute to the revolution at Lenin’s Mausoleum and the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Moscow. Balaguer, during his address, stressed that the revolution must be kept in memory as a reference point for the desired world design.
 
As we noted in the beginning, the Russian government avoided to organise any event in honor of the 1917 October Revolution, apart from a parade dedicated to the 76 years since the 1941 Red Army parade before leaving to the front against the Nazis. The “silence” from the side of the Kremlin over this extremely significant anniversary of a revolution which changed the route of History confirms the reactionary and anticommunist orientation of Vladimir Putin’s government. 
 
 
 
Revisiting the October Revolution of 1917
| October 26, 2017 | 8:39 pm | Analysis, J. Stalin, Karl Marx, socialism, USSR, V.I. Lenin | No comments

https://sputniknews.com/columnists/201710261058554269

Communist supporter carries the red flag as others carry a banner declaring Long Live the 88th Anniversary of the October Revolution, during the rally to commemorate the Bolshevik Revolution, marking a long-sacred former holiday that was an official working day for the first time in decades in Moscow, Monday, Nov. 7, 2005.

Revisiting the October Revolution of 1917

© AP Photo/ Ivan Sekretarev
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John Wight
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To some the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia still stands, a hundred years on, as the single most important emancipatory event in human history.

For such people it commands greater importance than the Reformation or the American and French revolutions preceding it, in that it went further than religious or political emancipation to engender social emancipation; and with it an end to the exploitation of man by man which describes the human condition fashioned under capitalism.

To its detractors, meanwhile, October ushered in a dark night of communist tyranny under which, per Marx, all that was holy was profaned and all that was solid melted into air. In this rendering, October is considered, along with fascism, to have been part of a counter-Enlightenment impulse, one that arrived as the harbinger of a new dark age.However the attempt to place communism and fascism in the same category is facile in the extreme; it is a depiction that fails the test of history. The real and historically accurate relationship between both of those world-historical ideologies is that whereas fascism was responsible for starting the Holocaust, it was communism — in the shape of the Soviet Red Army — that ended it.

That Russia in 1917 was the least favorable country of any in Europe for socialist and communist transformation is indisputable. The starting point of communism, Marx avers in his works, is the point at which society’s productive forces have developed and matured to the point where the existing form of property relations acts as a brake on their continuing development. By then the social and cultural development of the proletariat has incubated a growing awareness of their position within the existing system of production; thereby effecting its metamorphosis from a class “in itself” to a class “for itself” and, with it, its role as the agent of social revolution and transformation.

Marx writes:

“No social order ever perishes before all the productive forces for which there is room in it have developed; and new, higher relations of production never appear before the material conditions of their existence have matured in the womb of the old society itself.”

The error in Marx’s analysis was that rather than emerge in the advanced capitalist economies of Western Europe, communism emerged on the periphery of the capitalist centers — Russia, China, and Cuba et al. — in conditions not of development or abundance but under-development and scarcity.

German philosopher and economist Karl Marx. Late 1870s. Reproduction
© Sputnik/ A. Sverdlov
German philosopher and economist Karl Marx. Late 1870s. Reproduction

From the vantage of exile in Switzerland, Lenin saw with uncommon clarity how the First World War presented revolutionaries across Europe with a clear choice. They could either succumb to national chauvinism, fall into line behind their respective ruling classes and support their respective countries’ war efforts, or they could use the opportunity to agitate among the workers of said countries for the war to be turned into a civil war in the cause of worldwide revolution.

It was a choice separating the revolutionary wheat from its chaff, leading to the collapse of the Second International as with few exceptions former giants of the international Marxist and revolutionary socialist movement succumbed to patriotism and war fever.

Lenin observed:

“The war came, the crisis was there. Instead of revolutionary tactics, most of the Social-Democratic [Marxist] parties launched reactionary tactics, went over to the side of their respective governments and bourgeoisie. This betrayal of socialism signifies the collapse of the Second (1889-1914) International, and we must realize what caused this collapse, what brought social-chauvinism into being and gave it strength.”

The ensuing chaos, carnage, and destruction wrought by four years of unparalleled conflict brought the so-called civilized world to the brink of collapse. The European continent’s ruling classes had unleashed an orgy of bloodshed in the cause not of democracy or liberty, as the Entente powers fatuously claimed, but over the division of colonies in Africa and elsewhere in the undeveloped world.

Vladimir Lenin
© RIA Novosti. Otsup
Vladimir Lenin

From the left, or at least a significant section of the international left, the analysis of October and its aftermath is coterminous with the deification of its two primary actors — Lenin and Trotsky — and the demonization of Stalin; commonly depicted as a peripheral player who hijacked the revolution upon Lenin’s death, whereupon he embarked on a counter-revolutionary process to destroy its gains and aims.

Writing in the second volume of his magisterial three-part biography of Leon Trotsky, The Prophet Unarmed, Isaac Deutscher describes how the Bolsheviks were aware that “only at the gravest peril to themselves and the revolution could they allow their adversaries to express themselves freely and to appeal to the Soviet electorate. An organized opposition could turn the chaos and discontent to its advantage all the more easily because the Bolsheviks were unable to mobilize the energies of the working class. They refused to expose themselves and the revolution to this peril.”

The harsh reality is that the cultural level of the country’s nascent and small proletariat, whose most advanced cadre was destined perish in the civil war, was too low for it to take the kind commanding role in the organization and governance of the country Lenin had hoped and anticipated. “Our state apparatus is so deplorable,” he was forced to admit, “not to say wretched, that we must first think very carefully how to combat its defects, bearing in mind that these defects are rooted in the past, which, although it has been overthrown, has not yet been overcome, has not yet reached the stage of a culture, that has receded into the distant past.”

Stalin’s victory in the struggle for power within the leadership in the wake of Lenin’s death in 1924 was, if conventional wisdom is to be believed, down to his Machiavellian subversion and usurpation not only of the party’s collective organs of government, but the very ideals and objectives of the revolution itself. However, this describes a reductive interpretation of the seismic events, both within and outwith Russia, that were in train at this point.

Despite Trotsky’s determination to hold onto the belief in the catalyzing properties of October with regard to European and world revolution — which he shared with Lenin — by 1924 it was clear that the prospect of any such revolutionary outbreak in the advanced European economies had ended, and that socialism in Russia would have to be built, per Bukharin, “on that material which exists.”

Trotsky and Lenin’s faith in the European proletariat proved wrong, while Stalin’s skepticism in this regard proved justified. Returning to Isaac Deutscher:

“After four years of Lenin’s and Trotsky’s leadership, the Politbureau could not view the prospects of world revolution without skepticism… Stalin was not content with broad historical perspectives which seemed to provide no answer to burning, historical questions… extreme skepticism about world revolution and confidence in the reality of a long truce between Russia and the capitalist world were the twin premises of his [Stalin’s] socialism in one country.”

The five-year plans introduced by Stalin, beginning in 1928, were undertaken in conditions of absolute necessity in response to the gathering storms of war in the West: “We are fifty or a hundred years behind the advanced countries,” Stalin declared in 1931. “We must make good this lag in ten years. Either we do it or they crush us.”

When it comes to those who cite the human cost of October and its aftermath as evidence of its unadulterated evil, no serious student of the history of Western colonialism and imperialism could possibly argue its equivalence when weighed on the scales of human suffering. Here Alain Badiou reminds us that “the huge colonial genocides and massacres, the millions of deaths in the civil and world wars through which our West forged its might, should be enough to discredit, even in the eyes of ‘philosophers’ who extol their morality, the parliamentary regimes of Europe and America.”

Ultimately, no revolution or revolutionary process ever achieves the ideals and vision embraced by its adherents at the outset. Revolutions advance and retreat under the weight of internal and external realities and contradictions, until arriving at the state of equilibrium that conforms to the limitations imposed by the particular cultural and economic constraints of the space and time in which they are made.

Though Martin Luther advocated the crushing of the Peasants Revolt led by Thomas Munzer, can anyone gainsay Luther’s place as one of history’s great emancipators? Likewise, while the French Revolution ended not with liberty, equality, fraternity, but Napoleon, who can argue that at Waterloo the Corsican general’s Grande Armee was fighting in the cause of human progress against the dead weight of autocracy and aristocracy represented by Wellington? In similar vein, Stalin’s socialism in one country and resulting five-year plans allowed the Soviet Union to overcome the monster of fascism in the 1940s.

This is why, in the last analysis, the fundamental metric of the October Revolution 1917 is the Battle of Stalingrad in 1942. And for that, whether it cares to acknowledge it or not, the world will forever be in its debt.

The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official position of Sputnik.

Check out John’s Sputnik radio show, Hard Facts.

Legendary composer Mikis Theodorakis blasts anti-communists and anti-Stalin slanderers

Monday, August 28, 2017

Legendary composer Mikis Theodorakis blasts anti-communists and anti-Stalin slanderers

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/08/legendary-composer-mikis-theodorakis.html
With a powerful letter to the Athens daily “Ta Nea”, the renowned Greek composer Mikis Theodorakis comments on the recent anti-communist hysteria on the occasion of the EU and Estonian government’s unhistorical, anti-communist events. 
 
Theodorakis, 92, begins his letter by blaming “Ta Nea” for the newspaper’s anti-communist stance: “I’m terrified by the anti-communist hysteria that overwhelms your newspapers. As a young communist, I had the honor to fight through the lines of EAM for the achievement of freedom. Later, during the Junta period, through the Patriotic Front for the restoration of Democracy”. 
 
Among other references regarding Greece’s recent political history, Theodorakis writes: “The only thing that counts for you is our defeat in the Civil War and your inconvenience because the Left’s ideology continues to exist, act and affect after so many persecutions”.
Then, the composer refers to Joseph Stalin: 
 
“And from Stalin you remember only his crimes… The only thing I didn’t hear about him is that he was eating fried human meat for breakfast. For him, Stalin, the Marshal of the Red Army with the victories in Stalingrad, Moscow, Leningrad and Berlin, you have nothing to say? If the Red Army and Stalin wasn’t there, what would we have today? Did you think about it? Who would prevent Hitler from filling the world with thousands of “Aushwitzes”? Do you imagine Greece filled with extermination camps? Up there, in Europe and especially in the racist states, I know why they hurt and attack Stalin and communism. Because he defeated their beloved Fuhrer. Adolf Hitler!”.
 
Mikis during a political event in
1970s.
And, he continues: “But, you here, what is your reason? You were killing communists like flies. With gangs like the ones of Sourlas and Vrettakos. With military courts and executions of 16,000- mostly young- communists. Boys and girls. With (prison) islands like Makronisos, where 100,000 Greek communists were martyred. With the security police’s slaughterhouses where thousands of male and female communists were tortured by the most horrific methods. So, what are all of us, criminals or victims? And why did we fight? Didn’t we fight for Greece and the Greek people? Did kingship and the para-state organisations who murdered Lambrakis, did the Junta sprang from our lines? Not to mention the collaborators of foreign conquerors, who supported the US-domination that lives and reigns masqueraded in memorandums and troikas that have led us to the brink of national disaster”.
 
The legendary composer closes his intervention with the following: “I believe that you easily can understand my anger, because for me as well as for thousands of others, our engagement and struggles under the Red Flag consists the most sacred period of our lives, which had one and only aim, to make our People free, independent and happy”.
 
Joseph Stalin Theme Extended
| July 27, 2017 | 7:35 pm | J. Stalin | No comments

An Ode to Stalin (Did Nothing Wrong)
| July 27, 2017 | 7:32 pm | J. Stalin | No comments

Most Russians support Stalin monuments, poll shows
| July 20, 2017 | 8:55 pm | J. Stalin, Russia, USSR | No comments

Interesting website:

https://www.rt.com/politics/396935-most-russians-support-idea-of/

Russia’s bourgeois class still trembles at the sight of Stalin: The Moscow State Law Academy incident
| July 9, 2017 | 3:11 pm | J. Stalin | No comments

Friday, July 7, 2017

Russia’s bourgeois class still trembles at the sight of Stalin: The Moscow State Law Academy incident

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/07/russias-bourgeois-class-still-trembles.html

Sixty-four years have been passed since the biological death of Joseph Stalin and, still, the bolshevik leader creates nightmares to the bourgeois class. They fear his legacy, his name, even his portraits or plaques which refer to him. 


According to an Agence France-Presse report (which is full of stereotypical anti-communist references to “Stalin’s repression”), everything started when the Moscow State Law University last month reinstated a Soviet-era plaque marking a speech delivered there by Stalin in 1924. The plaque had been removed in the 1960s. A former student launched an online petition in order to have the plaque removed, while a defense lawyer called Genri Reznik and professors of another college break their ties with the university in protest. 

Apparently, their problem is Socialism and the Soviet Union- would they protest if instead of Stalin the plaque was commemorating Tsar Nikolai II or counter-revolutionary fascists like Solzhenitsyn

Despite the decades-long severe anti-stalinist propaganda, Joseph Stalin remains in the minds and hearts of the Russian working people as the leader who contributed immensely to the aim of Socialism-Communism. It was during Stalin’s leadership when the Soviet Union crushed the monster of Nazism and put the foundations for the construction of Socialism in the country. 

Слава Сталину!