Category: Communist Youth of Greece (KNE)
TRUTH AND LIES ABOUT SOCIALISM – Dictatorship of the Proletariat: A Higher form of Democracy

Thursday, August 3, 2017

TRUTH AND LIES ABOUT SOCIALISM – Dictatorship of the Proletariat: A Higher form of Democracy
Central Council of the Communist Youth of Greece (KNE).
Published by Synchroni Epochi, 2013.
The leap that takes place during the socialist construction, i.e. during the transition from capitalism to communism, is qualitatively higher than any previous one, since communist relations, as non-exploitative, cannot be formed in capitalism. The political revolution is the precondition for these new relations to be imposed and dominate, i.e. the conquest of power by the working class and the establishment of its own state, the dictatorship of the proletariat. 
This is a basic difference in the transition to the communist socioeconomic formation in relation with the previous. In the framework of the transition from an exploitative socioeconomic formation to another, the new relations could be developed and dominate first in the confines of the previous socioeconomic formation and then, as the last part of this process, the class that was the bearer of the new relations struggled for and took power. This happened for example in relation to capitalism. 
Capitalist relations were first developed and dominated within the confines of feudalism, which brought about an unavoidable conflict between the rising bourgeois class and the class of the feudalnobility that was declining. The great bourgeois revolutions completed the absolute domination of the bourgeoisie through the seizure of political power, which of course was necessary in order for the capitalist relations to dominate everywhere and become fully developed. 
But, communist relations are non-exploitative relations. Only their preconditions are developed within capitalism. Their appearance and domination requires the abolition of capitalist ownership of the means of production, which can only be done after having overthrown capitalist power and its state.
Thus, the dictatorship of the proletariat has a ‘’double’’ duty. On the one hand to suppress and overcome the efforts of capitalists to retake the power, on the other to form and develop the new relations, a task that is longterm and includes the whole period of the socialist construction, which is the period of the social revolution.
The task of the revolutionary workers’ power is to deepen and expand the communist relations in production and distribution, to form the new communist consciousness, the new man. This task is complex and long-term and includes economic, political, cultural, educational activity of the dictatorship of the proletariat, under the guidance of the Communist Party.
The core of power and the character of the organs of power.
Revolutionary workers’ power, the dictatorship of the proletariat, expresses a higher form of democracy, having as a basic feature the active participation of the working class in the construction of the socialist society.
Democratic centralism is a fundamental principle in the formation and functioning of the socialist state the direction of the production unit, every social service. That is, the united will and action of society in the direction of socialist construction, the active participation in making and implementing decisions, the subordination of the will of the minority to the will of the majority, the ability to elect and recall the organs of power. Revolutionary workers’ power will be based on institutions that will be born from the revolutionary struggle of the working class and its allies. The bourgeois institutions will be replaced, after being overturned, by the new institutions of workers’ power.
The Communist Party of Greece through its resolutions has set some basic principles regarding the characteristics of the workers’ power, the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The representatives in the organs of power will be elected and recalled (if necessary) by the assemblies of the workers in the production unit, decisions will be made, control will be exercised . The representatives for the intermediate institutions will be elected and recalled directly ; there will be indirect representation through the assemblies of the representatives of the highest organs of power (i.e. the representatives to the intermediate organs will elect the representatives to the highest organs of power). The representatives will not have privileges, they will have responsibilities and they will be accountable ‘’to those below’’.
The organs of power that are elected by the workers in the production units have as their tasks the specialization of the central planning, the implementation of the tasks of social production, the social services, the cultural development, the protection of the revolution. There, at the level of the production unit, the participation of the working class is established and ensured, from the ‘’bottom’’ to the ‘’top’’, as is the exercise of workers’ control, the criticism of decisions and decrees, complaints about arbitrary and subjective attitudes, bureaucratic attitudes, weaknesses and deficiencies that can appear during the socialist period.  
The workers’ collectives are accountable and monitored in order to promote the collective decisions of the higher organs of the workers’ power, which have the overall responsibility of guidance, specifying the goals of each project that is decided on in the context of central planning. The effectiveness or otherwise of each project is associated with the ability to understand the scientific laws in order to produce for the expanded satisfaction of social needs. The effectiveness of the project is tested in life itself, by practical experience itself. It is confirmed by the participation of the working masses in the control and the management of power.
Workers’ participation in the control and the management of the power is guaranteed by the reduction of working time, which enables the development of the cultural and educational level of the workers. Besides, the dictatorship of the proletariat means just that: The state of the workers is based on the organization of the working masses and their participation in the management, the organisation of the production and all services, the control of the administrative machinery, planning and its implementation. 
With special provisions, it the participation in the organs of power for sections of the population who are not in the process of the production will also be ensured. For example, young men and women who are still out of production because they are in the educational process will take part in the election of representatives through the educational units. In a similar manner the participation of the non-working women, the pensioners, will be guaranteed etc. 
The highest organ of workers’ power is an organ of workers. It legislates and administers at the same time, within its framework there is a division between legislative, executive, supervisory and disciplinary powers. It is not a parliament. The representatives that participate are not permanent but subject to recall, they don’t have financial or other benefits, they are not cut off from production, from their work, but they are detached for the duration of their term. 
On the basis of the new relations of production, social ownership, central planning, workers’ control, a new revolutionary constitution and legislation is formed to correspond to these new social relations and defend them. Similarly the entire legal system, all the legal establishment of the new social relations is also formed. A new judicial system is established, which is based on revolutionary popular institutions of justice. The new courts are under the direct responsibility of the organs of the workers’ power. They consist of people’s judges that will be elected and recalled by the people itself, and by a permanent judicial staff that will be accountable to the institutions of workers’ power.
The revolutionary workers’ power replaces all the old mechanisms of administration that receives with new ones, corresponding to the character of the proletarian state. 
The new organs of the revolutionary protection and defence are based on the workers’ and peoples’ participation, but also on permanent professional personnel. In place of the bourgeois army and the repressive forces new institutions are created on the basis of the armed revolutionary struggle in order to crush the resistance of the exploiters and to defend the revolution and socialist construction. 
Historical experience of the USSR.
The new state power that emerged from the October Revolution had to face a lot of problems and complex conditions; the working class was a minority within a population of farmers that were in a state of political and cultural backwardness. It was from the very first moment encircled by the counter-revolutionary activity and imperialist attack. A huge part of the vanguard of the working class was lost because of the imperialist intervention and the civil war. Initially, it had to utilize sections of the old bureaucracy and bourgeois specialists in sectors of the economy, production and administration, while the kulaks (the bourgeoisie in the villages) maintained great power in the countryside; they even had the control of the rural soviets. The establishment and stabilization of soviet power was not an easy or quick task.
The new power was based on the institutions that were borne from its revolutionary struggle. The institutions of socialist power were the soviets, the councils of the workers representatives, the representatives of military and afterward the farmers’ soviets, hence the name Soviet Union. 
The new state that was constructed was the revolutionary workers’ power, the dictatorship of the proletariat. Based on the social ownership of the concentrated means of production and on the cooperative of peasants from the 1930’s onwards, it expressed the interests of the majority of the exploited that overthrew the power of the minority of the exploiters. The dictatorship of the proletariat proved to be a superior form of democracy, since workers’ power led the working masses into participation, control and administration of the power and of the social life in general, it drew the masses from the sidelines. Through the organization of power in the production unit, the working class was able to develop organization and discipline. Through participation in the control and administration of the production unit, there had been steps in order to change the consciousness, in order to put the social interest above the individual.
Apart from the institutions of the workers’ power, the soviets, a vast number of mass organizations were also developed; trade unions, cultural, educational, women’s, youth, where the majority of the population was organized and participated.
The direct participation of workers took place until 1936 through the nuclei of the workers’ power at the factory, the production unit, the village, but also through the function of a series of mass organizations. During the procedures for the approval of significant state laws, i.e. the constitutional amendments, assemblies of the nuclei of the workers’ power were held, where the workers expressed their opinion and, through voting, their position. 
The direct participation of workers was accompanied by the indirect election in the representative bodies as was established in the first Constitution of the USSR in 1924. The representatives were accountable and the collective unit had the right to recall them and elect others in their position. The indirect electoral representation ensured the will and participation of workers in the institutions of the soviet power. In that way the will of the majority was established. 
The soviets were not only responsible for the decision making but also for their application. During the assemblies, the nuclei of the workers’ power discussed the central and particular plans of the branches, the decisions that they made, they implemented them as working organs, with delegates that were not cut off from production.
In the Constitution of 1936, direct electoral representation was established through geographical electoral wards (and not through the production unit). As it is stated in the Resolution of the 18th Congress of the KKE: “The critical approach to these changes focuses on the need to study further the functional downgrading of the production unit as the nucleus of organisation of workers’ power, due to the abolition of the production unit principle and of the indirect election of delegates through congresses and assemblies. We need to study its negative impact on the class composition of the higher state organs and on the application of the right of recall of delegates (which according to Lenin constitutes a basic element of democracy in the dictatorship of the proletariat).”
After the 20th Congress of the CPSU in 1956 and under the weight of more general weaknesses, a deviation, a retreat in the Party’s perception was expressed, regarding the class-oriented revolutionary character of the state and the rejection of the scientific law for the continuation of the class struggle during socialist construction. 
Nevertheless, in the USSR the institutions’ functioning expressed an unprecedented participation of the masses in political action. According to statistical data of 1977, the local organs of state-power (i.e. the soviets of representatives) were more than 50,000 all over the country. In these soviets there were more than 2,200,000 elected representatives, namely around 1% of total population of the Soviet Union. It is also estimated that within 41 years, from the Constitution of 1936, more than 25 million people participa- ted in the soviets. In addition, it is estimated that in the organs of people’s control, at the production units, the services and the kolkhozes (production cooperatives) were elected every 2 years at the workers’ assemblies and that about 9.2 million workers participated in these organs. Comparing to this, the bourgeois parliamentary democracy seems like a joke… 
In the soviet constitution, despite any criticism that may be made, the nature of the organs was safeguarded. For example, even in the Constitution of 1977 (a period in which the opportunist turn of the CPSU was already a fact and there are serious problems in its strategic and the socialist construction), article 104 described the non-professional nature for the elected delegates and their exclusion from privileges: “Deputies shall exercise their powers without discontinuing their regular employment or duties”. In addition, article 107 specified the obligation of the deputies to report on their work and the possibility to be recalled; “Deputies shall report on their work and on that of the Soviet to their constituents, and to the work collectives and public organisations that nominated them. Deputies who have not justified the confidence of their constituents may be recalled at any time by decision of a majority of the electors in accordance with the procedure established by law.”
However, in that process there were some weaknesses. The procedure of the socialist construction constantly creates new problems that seek new solutions, and this is when the ability of the workers’ power is judged. First of all, is judged the ability of the CP to lead in accordance with the scientific laws. 
In the Soviet Union, the legacy of the old social system weigh heavy, as the new one Assembly of women in a village of the Soviet Union. 1920. Soviet power had been proved a superior form of democracy. It drew the masses from the sidelines and led them to participation, control and administration. 44 emerged from its bowels For example, from the first years of the social construction problems of detachment from the interests of the working class arose re employees of the state mechanism and especially by those who came from the old, tsarist state mechanism.
The adoption of the thesis concerning the “state of the whole people” (consolidated in the constitutional revision of 1977) cancelled out the nature of the dictatorship of the proletariat as workers’ power, rejected the vanguard role of the working class as the bearer of communist relations.
The sharpening of the problems in soviet power was a consequence of the weakening of the socialist economy through the adoption of the market reforms (q.v. first part of the publication “Truths and Lies About Socialism”), which led to the reinforcement of the individual and group interests vis-a-vis the overall interests of society. As a result, the forces that had an interest in the overthrow of socialism and the restoration of capitalism gained strength.
This development influenced the structures of power and the workers’ control which had attained a formal character. In the decade of the 1980s, through perestroika, which was the final attack by the counter-revolution, the soviet system degenerated into a bourgeois parliamentary organ with a division of the executive and legislative functions, a permanence of office holders, an undermining of the right to recall, high remuneration, etc. I.e. everything negative that was developed was an element of the forms of the bourgeois power. 
Dimitris Koutsoumbas at KNE anti-imperialist camp: “Our future is not capitalism; it is the new world, Socialism!”

Sunday, July 9, 2017

Dimitris Koutsoumbas at KNE anti-imperialist camp: “Our future is not capitalism; it is the new world, Socialism!”
KKE GS D. Koutsoumbas addressing young communists in Ioannina.
A large crowd of young communists, members and friends of the Communist Youth of Greece (KNE), attended a speech by the Secretary General of the Communist Party of Greece Dimitris Koutsoumbas, yesterday at the city of Ioannina in northern Greece. The speech by the KKE Secretary General marked the closing of the 26th anti-imperialist camp of KNE.
This year’s anti-imperialist camp of KNE took place at the Pirsinella Park, close to Ioannina, where numerous young men and women had the opportunity to participate in many cultural and political events, walks, visits to historical places such as the former military prison in Kalpaki where hundreds of communist and leftist soldiers were imprisoned by the bourgeois authority during the 20th century. 
With the slogan “A century of struggle and sacrifice, the KKE at the forefront” and hundreds of red flags, numerous young men and women welcomed Secretary Koutsoumbas who refered to the heroic history of KNE, from its beginning as OKNE (founded in 1922) until the contemporary years, praising the courage and militancy of many young communists who stood against dictatorships, repressions, persecutions etc. 
Secretary Koutsoumbas made extensive reference to the contemporary political developments, condemning the bourgeois parties- the SYRIZA-ANEL government as well as the opposition of New Democracy- for their antipeople strategy and effort to promote the interests of the capital. The KKE Sec. General underlined the danger of an imperialist war in the broader region, the dangerous plans of NATO-US-EU imperialists and the need to strenthen the struggle against these imperialist plans and the country’s participation in them.
D.Koutsoumbas also mentioned the two historical anniversaries in 2018, marking the 100 years since the foundation of the KKE and the 50 years since the establishment of KNE. “We are marching towards the celebration of these two great anniversaries with militant optimism. We study the history of the revolutionary workers movement. We are inspired, taught and draw valuable conclusions for our contemporary struggle” he said among other things.
Refering to the centennial of the Great October Socialist Revolution, Dimitris Koutsoumbas said that “we celebrate the 100 years of the October Socialist Revolution, of this most cosmohistoric event of the 20th century, which proved that capitalism isn’t undefeated, that we can build a higher organisation of society, without exploitation of man by man”.
The Secretary General of the KKE concluded his speech with optimism for the future, under the applause and slogans of the crowd. “Our future is not capitalism; it is the new world, Socialism! We are marching onward, powerfully. Always faithful to the red banner, for the people’s power and honest life. We will win!”.
Source: / Translation: In Defense of Communism.
43rd KNE-Odigitis Festival: The Communist Youth of Greece to honor October Revolution’s centennial
| June 9, 2017 | 8:17 pm | Communist Youth of Greece (KNE) | No comments

Friday, June 9, 2017

43rd KNE-Odigitis Festival: The Communist Youth of Greece to honor October Revolution’s centennial
KNE-Odigitis Festival (Archive photo).
For more than four decades, the KNE-Odigitis Festival, organised by the Communist Youth of Greece (youth wing of the KKE), consists a major annual cultural and political event.
This year, the KNE-Odigitis festival will honor the Great Socialist October Revolution, using as a major slogan the lyrics of the Soviet poet Vladimir Mayakovsky: “100 years since the October that shocked the world “the future will not come on its own… If we do not also take measures”. 
The 43rd KNE-Odigitis Festival will honor the centennial of the October Revolution, with the eye turned to the future, promoting the timeliness and necessity of the struggle against the barbaric capitalist system, of the struggle for the construction of socialism, for a society without exploitation of man by man.
Events of the 43rd KNE Festival will take place throughout Greece this summer, leading to the large festivals in Thessaloniki and Athens on September. More specifically, in Thessaloniki the 43rd KNE-Odigitis Festival will take place on 14-16 September and in Athens on 21-23 September 2017.

Saturday, June 3, 2017

The 20th Congress approved the Theses of the CC which include the report on the party’s work and its political tasks until the 21s Congress, taking into account the discussion and their approval by the general assemblies of the Party’s Base Organizations (PBOs) and the Conferences. It also approved the report of the CC at the 20th Congress as well as the report of work of the Central Auditing Committee (CAC).The 20th Congress of  the KKE was held from the 30th of March until the 2nd of April 2017 at the headquarters of the Central Committee of the Party.
The 20th Congress of the KKE approved the Political Resolution, which determines the tasks of the Party until the 21st Congress, underscoring the need to strengthen the KKE in its activity for the regroupment of the labour movement, the reinforcement of the Social Alliance, the struggle against imperialist war, for workers’ power. Specific tasks were set for party building in the working class, amongst productive age groups, the youth, women, for supporting KNE’s work, for improving the functioning of the leading organs, for the promotion of new cadres.
The documents of the 20th Congress further equip the KKE in order for it to meet the contemporary demands of the class struggle and decisively deal with the difficulties, confirming its role as the vanguard of the working class, as an all-weather communist party.
Capitalism is permeated by very sharp contradictions. The basic contradiction between capital and labour is sharpening, the trend for the absolute and relative destitution of the working class is being reinforced, the percentage of permanent long-term unemployment is increasing, the rate of exploitation of the working class is intensifying, all the social contradictions are sharpening.
The implacable antagonisms are being expressed between the capitalist states, their military-political and economic-political alliances, antagonisms that have led to imperialist wars and realignments.
The trends that were formed in the previous years are as follows:
  • Most of the older powerful capitalist states-amongst them the still leading capitalist power, the USA-continue to lose ground in the global capitalist market to China mainly.
  • Very few capitalist economies achieved levels of growth greater than those that existed before the synchronized international economic crisis (2008-2009).
  • The trends of protectionism of domestic production and the domestic economy are being strengthened.
  • The cohesion of the Eurozone is developing in a contradictory way. The sharpening of the contradictions in the EU and the Eurozone is reinforcing the secessionist tendencies, which in turn feed into bourgeois “euroscepticism”.This is an equally reactionary-antipeople current, which is supported by sections of capital, by far-right and fascist forces and other bourgeois parties.
  • New capitalist international inter-state unions are being formed and old ones are being recomposed (e.g. BRICS, G20 etc.), as well as regional ones (e.g. Shanghai Cooperation Organization, ALBA in Latin America etc.)in the framework of the international imperialist system.
The national arena of the class struggle remains the primary one, at the same time its coordination at a regional and international level is of great importance. The main problem is that no upsurge of the communist movement is observed at an international level, which would constitute a real beacon of hope. On the contrary, many of the parties that define themselves as communist have been co-opted in capitalist management and choose a camp amongst the imperialist alliances.
In these conditions, the inter-imperialist contradictions are strengthening. All the capitalist states, with the USA in the first place, are modernizing their military equipment, while the most powerful seek an advantage in terms of the most modern military hardware.
The 20th Congress of the KKE assessed that the local and regional conflicts will continue as an expression and result of the sharpening of inter-imperialist antagonisms and contradictions, with possible military flash-points in the Middle East, Aegean, the Balkans, North Africa, the Black Sea, Ukraine, the Baltic, the Arctic and the South and East China Sea.
Particularly in our region, the sharpening of the situation between Greece and Turkey with the involvement of other countries as well is possible. The questioning of the borders and sovereign rights of Greece on the part of the Turkish bourgeois class is integrated in the framework of its competitive relations with the Greek bourgeois class in the region.
The Programme of the Party has determined our position concerning the imperialist war and the line of our activity. It is the task of the vanguard of the working class, the KKE, to constantly adjust, specialize, escalate its struggle slogans, without losing sight of the basic aspect which is the character of the war that is imperialist on both sides, regardless of who attacked first. We are projecting this position in the working class and popular strata and on this basis we are struggling today in the following directions:The Greek bourgeois class actively participates in the imperialist plans, interventions, competition and wars, guided by its aim to strategically enhance its position in the wider region. It bears responsibilities for the possible entanglement of the country in a war.
  • The education of the people about the imperialist character of the war, about the dangers, about who is responsible, about the need for their political denunciation and the struggle to overturn any attempt to change the borders.
  • Highlighting that the political line of the bourgeois government in the case of its involvement in a war is a continuation of its more general policies against the working class and popular strata whether in conditions of capitalist recovery or in conditions of the outbreak of an economic crisis. Highlighting the necessity for the people to have no trust in the bourgeois government, that there cannot be-and never could be- “national unity” between the bourgeois class and the working class in any state.
  • The need to oppose every imperialist alliance, to struggle for the closure of all the foreign bases of death in Greece, for disengagement from NATO and the EU, for all the NATO military forces to be removed from the Aegean.
  • Highlighting the need to organize the struggle, the resistance and counterattack of the other popular strata, their Social Alliance, in order to put an end to the changes of borders, against a possible invasion-occupation and also against the participation in wars outside our borders. To intensify the struggle against the governments of the bourgeois class, which prepared the terrain with the bourgeois classes of other states in the framework of NATO and led the children of the people to the slaughter. To coordinate the struggle with the labour-people’s movements of other countries, linked with the goal of overthrowing capitalist power in Greece and neighbouring countries, so that their peoples can live peacefully with workers’ power.
The developments require the intensification of activity against the imperialist wars and interventions, with broad political work of the party and KNE organizations, as well as of the trade unions, the labour-people’s movement more generally, the development of the activity of EEDYE (Greek Committee for International Detente and Peace), especially in areas with military bases and command centres in the service of NATO and the “Common Security and Defense Policy” of the EU.
The Greek people can and must choose themselves- with their will and their activity- to exit the EU, to put this objective at the forefront of their slogans, by organizing their struggle in such a way as to simultaneously fight for the “keys” of the economy, the wealth that they produce, taking the power into their own hands. This is what constitutes the real alternative to the benefit of the people and is worth every sacrifice.
Capitalist Greece with a “national currency” does not constitute a rupture for the people’s benefit. The adoption of a more undervalued currency cannot be a step for the improvement for the life of the working class and the popular strata via any possible impetus that will be given to competitiveness and growth because of the cheaper labor force, as a consequence of the devaluation. Any eventual recovery of  capitalist production, whenever it may occur, will not be accompanied by a substantial recovery of wages, pensions, rights; it will not benefit the people.
The political forces which highlight such an objective as a “solution” or as an intermediate aim for radical changes, objectively, at least, serve the specific needs of sections of the capital and more broadly the different trends in bourgeois politics that exist as a result of the intensification of its contradictions. Besides, policies that attack the  workers’-people’s gains are being implemented both in countries of the eurozone as well as in capitalist countries with national currencies.
If the EU and the bourgeois class choose Greece’s departure from the Eurozone and a currency change, the KKE will fight, as it does now, with a specific line, which it will promote within the movement and the Greek people. It will militantly intervene in order to organize a more decisive struggle for the people’s survival, for solidarity, so that no popular family, no worker, no unemployed person will be alone in the framework of sharper consequences of a currency changeover (black market, sudden major increases of inflation), in the clutches of the banks and speculators. The labour-people’s movement must connect this fight with the struggle for actual rupture with the capitalist system.
The labour-popular movement in Greece and across Europe as a whole, with coordinated strikes and a comprehensive counterattack, must utilize any contradictions in the eurozone and the EU that create fissures, in order to strengthen the struggle for the overthrow of the capital’s power, the conquest of workers power in every country which will promote and organize social ownership, the central scientific planning of economy and services, the  development of production for the people’s benefit.
The 20th Congress of the KKE assessed that during the entire previous period our party fiercely resisted the pressure exerted on it to support or tolerate the political line of bourgeois management, initially implemented by the ND-PASOK government and then afterwards by the SYRIZA-ANEL government. It warned, it exposed the real character of SYRIZA, its relationship with local and foreign capitalists, with various imperialist centres. Life has clearly vindicated the assessments and positions of the KKE, the line of struggle against capital, the imperialist unions, the bourgeois parties, both liberal and social-democratic, old and new. The KKE fought against the entire current of opportunism, against the forces-inside and outside of SYRIZA- that exerted pressure on the party to transform it into a part of the political management of the system. Over the entire 4-year period, the KKE successfully met the challenges of the ideological-political struggle.
The intervention of the party, in confrontation with the various plans to reform the bourgeois political system, must focus on the following issues:
  • To promote the necessity and timeliness of socialism, against historically obsolete views that a transitional government on the terrain of government can pave the way for the revolutionary overthrow, as well as against the illusions that a transitional intermediate form of power, which will stand between capitalism and socialism, intensifying the struggle against the political organizations that express these views. To fight against anti-communism, which is being promoted by various bourgeois forces and mechanisms.
  • There needs to be a stable front against the anti-people strategic goals of the bourgeois class (capitalist recovery, geo-strategic enhancement, promotion of Greece as an energy-trade hub, an active role in the framework of NATO and the EU etc.)The highlighting of the fact that the basic forces of the bourgeois political system converge on these strategic goals. The different views and contradictions that exist over management issues are related to contradictions inside the bourgeois class, to the priorities and methods of the capitalist recovery, priorities in relation to the inter-state alliances of capital.
  • The party must confront the continuing efforts of SYRIZA to appear with a “left” profile and use “ideological differences” with ND in order to mislead and repeatedly deceive the working class and popular strata. There is a particularly dangerous attempt being carried out by the government to hijack in a crude way the history and the struggles of the KKE and the labour-people’s movement, to present itself almost as a communist force.
  • There needs to be a stable front against the efforts to revive “new” and “old” social-democracy. This includes SYRIZA’s efforts, utilizing its cooperation with European Social-Democracy, as well as the efforts of PASOK and the Democratic Alliance.
  • The party must strengthen the struggle against ND’s attempts to utilize the climate of discontent against the government in order to appear as an alternative governmental solution, as the force which, implementing the goals of capital in a stable way, will “lead the country out of the crisis”.
  • There needs to be a stable front against “Euroscepticism”, especially against opportunist forces that seek to play a role as a new obstacle to the radicalization of the people’s consciousness, camouflaging the bourgeois character  of their political proposal with anti-capitalist sloganeering.
  • There needs to be a confrontation against nationalism and racism, as well as against primitive anticommunism, which is being promoted by various forces that are  found in the so-called “right” and “far-right” political space and particular the Nazis of criminal Golden Dawn. To highlight their character as forces that support the system, their suspicious and multifaceted connections with centres inside and outside the country, with sections of capital and the big employers.
  • To confront illusions regarding the reformation of the bourgeois political system, the fear amongst working class-popular forces about the possibility of political instability.
  • To expose the attempts to mislead the people via the hypocritical discussion about dealing with corruption and vested interests that aims to conceal the real causes of the crisis and its consequences for the working class-popular strata and create illusions that the phenomenon of bribery and corruption can be dealt with by “investigation committees”, by reinforcing the monitoring mechanisms of the bourgeois state, by alleged changes to the Judiciary. To highlight that corruption is inherent in capitalism. At the same time, the promotion of specific repeated proposals of the KKE- which have been rejected by the government and other opposition parties-as basic measures to restrict corruption.
Against the illusions regarding the institutional reforms and revision of the constitution must be confronted, which the SYRIZA-ANEL government is pushing forwards, i.e. they claim that they will transform the bourgeois state into a pro-people one, that these are measures to “extend democracy”.To highlight the character of the state today as a mechanism to defend and promote the interests of capital, of the monopolies. This character does not change, cannot be altered in a pro-people pro-worker direction.There must be a particular front against the attempt to co-opt working class and popular masses through the functioning of institutions and structures of he bourgeois state:
  • To highlight the role of Local and Regional government as apparatuses of the bourgeois state for the implementation of the anti-people political line and at the same time to fight against its function to assimilate working class-popular masses in programmes and structures for the management of poverty and unemployment, via EU programmes, NGO structures and volunteering. To promote the example of the 5 municpalities where the communists have the responsibility for the administration (Patras, Haidari, Petroupoli, Kaisariani, Ikaria), which, in the framework of the very restrictive institutions and financial resources, organize the people’s mobilization and activity in favour of the downtrodden popular strata in their cities, keeping their pre-election promises they gave to the people of their municipalities that they will maintain a clear oppositional stance towards the central organs of capitalist power.
  • In particular, the party must expose the role of the so-called “Social and Solidarity Economy” to broader working class-popular strata and especially the unemployed. Through the various types of cooperatives and the so-called Social Cooperative Enterprises, the wide use of “volunteers”, the generalization of flexible employment relations and the deception of the unemployed is being promoted, while at the same time it facilitates the efforts of the bourgeois state to unburden itself of  its responsibilities in terms of health and welfare policy issues, which results in the downgrading of the provisions and services for the workers. In reality, it functions as an additional tool for the deterioration of labour relations and the increase of the rate of exploitation via voluntary labour, the lengthening of work shifts, low salaries, the reduction of social provisions that previously were free,  as well as an apparatus for manipulation and assimilation.
The implementation of this task presupposes the intensification of the ideological-political struggle in the trade union movement. The bourgeois political forces intervene in the trade unions in an organized way, as well as the employers, the various state mechanisms, opportunism. The politicization of the activity of the trade unions in anti-capitalist direction above all is related to their general orientation, in the sense that they do not restrict themselves to a struggle framework of immediate demands. We aim for the trade unions to take positions in favour of the class struggle and the abolition of exploitation, against class collaboration, against the “common national interest”, against the submission to the capitalists. The labour movement paid a high price for the illusions that an allegedly “broader” line, which will only or chiefly focus on the specific problem in each workplace, can widen the framework of rallying and facilitate the main goal. Any short-terms results of such a line in other conditions quickly dissipated and led to the disillusionment and demobilization of even consistent forces.The 20th Congress of the KKE, on the basis of the programmatic documents as well as the experience from the activity of the party in the previous period, defined the tasks of the party in relation with the work for the regroupment of the labour movement. The basic content of the regrouping of the labour movement is defined as the preparation and development of its abilty to confront decisively and effectively, in alliance with the popular strata of the self-employed and farmers,  the single elaborated strategy of capital and capitalist power.
Politicization occurs in the framework of the movement, through the participation of workers and taking into account that not all the members of trade unions have acquired political class consciousness. The work for politicization, to overcome sectional phenomena and attitudes must be developed on a daily basis with the creative concern and care of the communists in order to form the correct relationship between the party and the trade unions, so that the impression is not created unintentionally of transforming trade unions into “party organizations” sometimes, by mechanistically transmitting  overly general positions, slogans and methods of party work.
What is mainly needed is a better specialization and elaboration of demands and the content of each struggle, of the positions and slogans in each trade union, in each sector, in every workplace. This is the only way to overcome over-generalizations, the repetition of non-specific overly general strategic slogans. The communists act openly, do not hide their views, do not retreat from the positions and programme of the party, however their ability to form a framework of struggle and demands that facilitates the mobilization of workers and impedes their easier manipulation and co-option by the system is judged on a daily basis.
We need to acquire a stable orientation but also greater ability to strengthen from below- beginning from the workplace itself, the trade union- the line of struggle which sets in focus the contemporary needs of  the workers’-people’s forces. We must acquire the ability to project the fact that the obstacle to the satisfaction of contemporary needs and the demands which express them is capitalist ownership and  capitalist profit. We must also have the capability to convincingly expose- through the ideological confrontation that will be developing in the small or bigger struggles- the mechanisms of exploitation and especially the conditions for their abolition. The party and every communist must have the ability to work on the basis of a plan and with continuity inside working class-popular forces, to promote their organization, mobilization and education, with the aim of radicalizing their consciousness, raising the level of demands and the the combativeness of the activity to satisfy all their contemporary demands.
Despite the fact that today these things must be at the focus of the demands, the satisfaction of the contemporary needs is not possible inside capitalism, but presupposes the socialization of the concentrated means of production and their integration into scientific central planning.
The promotion of the demands for the recovery of the losses does not idealize the pre-2009 period, but highlights the worsening of the exploitation in relation to the previous generations, in obvious contradiction with the real contemporary needs and capabilities. The false arguments that the reduction of rights today is due to the previous existence of some irrational privileges must be answered.
The regroupment of the labour movement is based on the activity to organize the working class. This effort is expressed with specific goals:
  • The trade unions acquiring mass characteristics. The influx of new workers in their unions  must be a permanent concern and criterion for the regroupment efforts, insisting on the significance of the organized collective struggle and the concentration of forces against the class enemy. Greater focus on organizing women, young people and immigrants.
  • Coverage of all workplaces by sectoral trade unions, with their branches, and also by workplace trade unions, creating new ones where it is considered necessary, on the basis of the criterion of the organization and unity of the workers, irrespective of their employment relations. Development of an integrated network of such trade unions across the country.
  • The stable functioning of the trade unions as a basic criterion of regroupment, safeguarding the functioning of the executive committees, highlighting the importance of and consolidating the General Assemblies of the unions. Continuous updates for the workers by the trade unions, as well as the discovery of new ways and forms of activity that facilitate the participation of the working people (e.g. in the educational, cultural, sports sectors)
  • Systematic monitoring of the process of the elections, the changing of the correlation of forces in favor of the class forces. The utilization of the positive experience related to the more systematic and close control by the party organs, the early preparation, the effort to concentrate new forces, to promote new trade union cadres.
  • Strengthening of the solidarity, the mutual aid and class support for the workers’-people’s families and each worker. It must be realized that, essentially, this is not a means to attract workers, but chiefly a means to create a militant orientation, criteria, stance. On that point, the special work with unemployed and immigrants who are permanently settled in our country is of special importance.
The trade unions must be linked to the place of residence, to acquire access in organizational terms to the neighbourhoods, where a large section of  workers not organized in trade unions live and work.
PAME- as the class-oriented rally of the working class in the trade union movement, in whose ranks dozens of federations and labour centres and hundreds of trade unions, struggle committees and trade unionists participate, has a line of mobilization and struggle in an anti-capitalist anti-monopoly direction and this is a great advantage for the movement. The initiative of communists and others who work together with the communists to establish it, as well as its constant activity over all these years serves-as  the work of the communists in the trade unions in general does-the goal of developing militant bonds with the masses in order to mobilize them in the direction of overthrowing the capitalist system.
Its recent nationwide conference contributed, with its preparation and final decisions, to expanding it influence and the rallying of forces around it.
There is detailed reference in the Programme of the KKE to the importance of forming the Social Alliance in order for the working class to play  its leading role in the revolutionary overthrow. The 20th Congress of the KKE, examining the experience from the party’s work to form the Social Alliance, noted the following:
Firstly:The working class due to its position in capitalist production is objectively the only revolutionary class, the builder of the socialist-communist society and therefore is the leading force in relation to the other popular forces. Only the labour movement can take on complete revolutionary characteristics and develop into a consistent class revolutionary movement. It is an issue of constant struggle and efforts for the popular sections of the middle strata, as potential allies of the working class and for their respective movements to be drawn to a greater or lesser extent actively into the revolutionary struggle and other sections must at least be rendered neutral. The overthrow of capitalism, which will be led by the working class, is also in the interests of the popular strata, provides solutions to the right to work, to all the social rights of the self-employed, the individual commodity producer, to the prospect of integrating them into direct social labour.
The KKE is in practice responsible for the realization of the Social Alliance, as it is the organized ideological-political vanguard of the working class in Greece. It is realized through the political activity of the KKE concerning the problems of the popular strata, through the corresponding activity of the members of the party, KNE, the friends of the party inside the labour and trade union movement.
Second:The Social Alliance in an anticapitalist-antimonopoly direction is comprised of social forces, which are determined on the basis of their position in relation to the prevailing mode of production, without gender of age discrimination. Women and youth belong to specific social forces, while the social position of  those sections of them that do not participate in production is determined by their family background.
Third:The Social Alliance must not be treated in a schematic way and identified with joint activity of the existing antimonopoly-anticapitalist forms of rallying like PAME, PASEVE, PASY, OGE, MAS. Particular care is needed because OGE, as the radical movement of women of a working class-popular social position or background and MAS as the rally of students cannot be considered as organizations that express distinct social forces. The certain form acquired through the joint struggle framework, which was formed in the previous years, does not remain static. It will develop according to the specific phase of the movement and the correlation of forces. It will emerge in other forms; it will be strengthened; it will be rearranged in movement terms, in relation to the real mobilization of the masses, strengthening and deepening the anticapitalist-antimonopoly goals of the alliance, constantly expanding its influence.
Fourth:In particular, the issue of developing the movement of allies of the working class, i.e. of the popular strata, must be studied. There needs to be a better understanding of our view as to how the work of the Social Alliance is served by our activity in the farmers’ movement, PASY and the Nationwide Committee of Farmers’ Roadblocks that is a new form of coordination, which was formed in 2014 and has developed into a Nationwide Coordinating Committee of Federations, Associations, Farmers’ Committees. The main orientation today is to organize the farmers into Associations, Federations etc. Similarly, we must examine the situation in the Associations of the self-employed, through the anti-monopoly rally of PASEVE.
The radical rallies in an anticapitalist-antimonopoly direction must not be treated statically, but as apart of the dynamic of the class straggle which is not one-sided or linear. The depth of the anticapitalist-antimonopoly content of the struggle is not the same in every phase, something that is reflected in the forms that will be taken by the alliance, which will develop
The 20th Congress of the party decided that the CC should organize a Nationwide Body in order to discuss comprehensively and in detail the issues of the Social Alliance, the updating of the framework of struggle and demands that are related to the farmers’ movement (the forms of organization, the alliance, the anticapitalist-antimonopoly rally etc.)
Fifth:The People’s Committees as forms of expression of the Social Alliance at a territorial-local level need to be more solidly established. We must overcome the phenomena of some of them resembling “citizens’ initiatives”, where some members of various organizations participate, mainly members and friends of the party, without expressing existing trade unions, struggle committees, people’s movement organizations at the level of the city and neighbourhood where the working class-popular forces are mobilized. They must be forms of rallying where the trade unions or their local branches play the leading role, with the participation of forms of organization and mobilization of the self-employed and farmers, the participation of the associations of OGE or MAS, student’s committees, school students’ committees, at the level of the neighbourhood, the place of residence.
Sixth:The Social Alliance-due to its character as an alliance of social movements-is not a form of cooperation between parties nor a form of cooperation of the KKE with mass organizations. To the extent that other political forces of a petty bourgeois political character are active with their members in the forms of rallying of the Social Alliance, they will meet together with the communists in common struggle at the level of the movement and an ideological-political struggle will be conducted inside the movement. Any common activity and ideological struggle will be expressed within the ranks and the organs of struggle of the Social Alliance, which is rooted in the workplaces, the General Assemblies of the trade unions and associations, in the struggle committees in the neighbourhoods etc.
The KKE- with its activity, both independently as a party and via the activity of its members in the ranks of the organizations of the Social Alliance and the forms of rallying that are created for its more effective advancement-understands its responsibility to act more effectively, with the aim of approaching and mobilizing workers’-people’s masses. In the framework of these efforts, the following question arises: which political line provides a real answer to the problems of the people, the line in favour the monopolies or the one against their domination? The line supporting the power of the monopolies and capital or the line supporting the power of the working people, who are the creators of all of society’s wealth?
The rallying of the majority of the working class with the KKE and the attraction of leading sections of the popular strata will pass through various phases. The labour movement, the movements of the urban self-employed and farmers and the form that their alliance takes on with anti-monopoly and anti-capitalist goals, with the vanguard activity of the KKE’s forces, in non-revolutionary conditions, constitute the first form for the creation of the revolutionary workers’ and people’s front in revolutionary conditions.
The working class and popular masses, through the experience of their participation in the organization of the struggle in a direction of confrontation with capital’s strategy, will be persuaded of the need for their organization and confrontation to take on the character of a full and multi-faceted confrontation against the economic and political dominance of capital.
The KKE as the vanguard of the working class has the responsibility of guiding the movement, not only in terms of its general programmatic direction or through the content of its statement, but also in organizational terms, i.e. through its leading organs, the Party Base Organizations, the Party groups that work directly in the movement, the comrades elected to trade union bodies.
The leading role of the party is secured through the activity of communists in the ranks of the trade unions, the mass organizations of the self-employed, the farmers, the radical forms of rallying, working to safeguard their anticapitalist-antimonopoly orientation.
The trade union groups, the election lists, and initiatives that exist or are being created cannot have this leading-vanguard role, nor the forms of rallying in the movement, even those that have a clear anticapitalist-antimonopoly line. Their basic role is the concentration of forces, the rallying of trade unions, federations, struggle committees, workers’ groups in an anticapitalist-antimonopoly direction, to coordinate their joint activity, to promote the anticapitalist-antimonopoly struggle, strengthening and enriching this direction.
The Communist Party also acts independently inside the movement. It ensures the connection of the daily struggles with the revolutionary overthrow, with the strategic proposal of the party for socialist power and construction. The discussion and ideological struggle inside the movement, the content of the struggle itself must pose the issue and goal of power without becoming detached from the specific, everyday, temporary and immediate demands. The struggle we are waging today must acquire anticapitalist-antimonopoly characteristics and be a struggle for workers’ power. And this must permeate the movement as a focus for discussion and ideological struggle.
This is a basic task for the communists, which they must simultaneously work on, understanding the need for persuasion and an escalation of their line of argumentation. It is their task to acquire the ability to pose this issue in a popular, persuasive way, understanding that in non-revolutionary conditions it is a slogan that determines the direction of the struggle and is not an immediate goal for action.
A basic factor that determines the role and effectiveness of the party in the labour movement, in the class struggle,in its work for the regroupment of the labour movement is party building in industry, in strategically important sectors, in new dynamic sectors of the economy,  in combination with the increase of its strength and influence in the great mass of the working class and especially in its younger sections. It is of more general strategic importance.
Consequently, the construction of strong party organizations oriented to the masses in the monopoly groups, the factories, major financial, industrial, retail centres emerges as a basic task. The leading organs and party organizations must focus on this task. We underscore the following basic issues:
  • The deployment of forces and cadres focusing on the workplaces is what lends forward impetus to all party work. There must be no retreat from this. The adjustment requires time, a steady rudder, so that we are not pulled off course by the developments. The mobility in the structuring of the economic sectors as result of centralization, competition between businesses and new technological advances in production must be taken into account so that our intervention can be adjusted correspondingly. The political guidance work must improve; it must assist in the accumulation and generalization of experience, in the development of the ability of the party members, in the formation of young  labour movement cadres.
  • The “buttressing”, consolidation and strengthening of the party’s intervention in the sectors is a necessary precondition for the reinforcement of our party’s vitally important characteristics. The positive steps in the coordination and unified orientation of work between sectoral and area-based party organizations must be utilized. Work in the sectors and places of residence must not be treated as being in confrontation with each other. There must be a common orientation for all organizations:political work in the working class, in the sectors, in the large workplaces. The phenomena of workers that are employed in important economic sectors and businesses remaining organizationally in neighbourhood organizations, i.e. meaning that the orientation towards redeployment is not proceeding, must be overcome.
  • We must focus on the central problem of party building, which is the delay in developing the party in large industries and strategically important sectors, prioritizing the following:Ports and airports (transport as a whole), energy, telecommunications, metal, chemical industry, pharmaceutical industry, food industry, construction-major projects, large retail centres etc.
  • The precondition for steps to be taken in expanding the influence and organizational strength of the party is the formation of a periphery around the party through mass ideological-political work, through the stable and systematic dissemination of its positions and political line, with the dissemination of “Rizospastis” being the main feature. This intervention must be at the epicentre of the activity of every PBO (Party Base Organization), every communist, as a basic precondition for party building. The methods for educational/propaganda work must be expanded and must not be restricted to short-term campaigning forms of activity. The dissemination and study of “Rizospastis”, “Kommounistiki Epitheorisi”, the ideological-political, historical and even literary publications of “Synchroni Epohi” must be intensified by each PBO, as well as the wide promotion and discussion of the positions and assessments of the party on the basis of current developments. The goal is to expand the party’s influence in every workplace, neighbourhood, sector, to draw in more and more forces into the class struggle.
The major efforts of the previous period brought certain results, which are expressed by the replenishing of certain forces, the building of party organizations, the formation of a periphery and the mainly through the improvement of the social composition of the party. This experience must be utilized in the further improvement of the plans to recruit and build the party in the workplaces by the Party Organizations.
We persist in the goal of achieving a leap forwards in terms of party building and the political strengthening of the KKE in the working class in the run up to the party’s 100th anniversary. This task can be summarized by the following codified goals for party building, which must be the object of friendly competition between the party organizations:
  • Improvement of the percentage of industrial workers and the number of PBOs in major businesses of strategic importance.
  • Improvement of the social composition of the party in terms of the percentage of workers.
  • Improvement of the age composition through an increase of recruits from KNE and from the 18-40 age group.
  • An increase of the recruitment of women and improvement of the their overall percentage in the party and in the leading organs.
KNE is the basic source of recruits for the party. For KNE to enter a phase of significantly developing its forces and its ability to carry out communist education is undeniably an integral element for the revolutionary continuity of the KKE and party building and must be treated as such by the party organs. The party organs must treat the specific task as a precondition for the strengthening of the party quantitatively and qualitatively.
Party work amongst younger age groups, before they enter production, in the places of education and training, especially in the technical schools (EPAL, TEI, IEK), the vocational schools, the Merchant Maritime Academy, the junior and senior high schools, is crucial for work in the next generation of the working class.
The content of the work of the party must be stably focused in this direction, with a unified plan and programme of work, from the organs of the party and KNE to the level of the PBOs and BOs (Base Organizations of KNE), armed with ideological-political resources and communist education to carry out vanguard propaganda work  and activity. This plan must relate well to the sharpening problems, as they are expressed in these specific age groups. There needs to be solid activity in the fields of culture and sports, militantly confronting social problems in an ideological and political way, such as the increase of drug use.
The positive steps that have been taken in the work with younger age groups through the cooperation of the party and KNE must be stabilized and reinforced.
The party is responsible for facilitating KNE in fulfilling the reason for its existence and activity. This plan must have an orientation towards the communication, activity and transmission of the values and revolutionary goals of the party and KNE to school students from working class-popular families, to students in vocational-technical education, to university students with a working class-popular background, to drawing them into the labour movement. In particular, immediate and specific measures must be taken to enhance our work in vocational education in cooperation with the party groups in the federations and sectoral trade unions and with the contribution of our forces amongst the educators in these institutions.
The party undertakes the responsibility for the ideological-political preparation of the members of the KNE, Marxist education, the assimilation of the Programme and elaborations of the party, the conclusions from the study of the history of the communist and labour movement, the transmission of the lived experience of the party, the assistance for active participation in the internal life of KNE, the preparation and support for all the members of KNE so that they can later become party members.
The inequality and discrimination against women at every level ( in the family, at work, in the struggle, in the political struggle) have  deep class roots and affects the labour movement. Only the Communist Party can consistently express the identification of the struggle for emancipation and equality with the struggle for the complete liberation of men and women from exploitation. However, this presupposes the leading activity of the party organizations, of communist women workers, employees, trade unionists and intellectuals, who through their activity in the ranks of the women’s movement can radicalize it in an antimonopoly, anticapitalist direction.
Confusion concerning the necessity and content of the specialized work amongst women and the activity of communist women in the radical women’s movement, under the responsibility of the leading organs, must be overcome. This  issue particularly concerns the women cadres that generalize their own life stance, underestimating the additional objective difficulties which limit the political and social activity of women, even of some that took the step to become members of the party and KNE.
The understanding of the essence of the women’s issue is a prerequisite for the realization of the necessity to develop the movement for the equality and emancipation of women of a working class and popular social position and background. In addition, it is necessary for the increase of the ability of the party members-men and women-to approach women workers, employees, unemployed, self-employed or farmers, young workers, mothers students, pensioners, we well as women outside the workplace, like housewives.
The goal remains the improvement of the participation of women in the ranks of the party, which today does not correspond to the percentage of women in the general population of the country and the economically active female population. This goal must in particular engage specific Regional Party organizations, particularly in the countryside, whose composition in terms of women members is very low, well below the national average.
The task of strengthening the party is inextricably linked to the enhancement of the work and abilities of the leading organs. The Sectoral Committees (SC) are a particularly important link in the chain that we must focus on. The SCs must acquire characteristics of real fighting bodies. The substantial improvement of the work of these leading organs, from the Central Committee to the Regional Committees, is a precondition for the enhancement of the work of the SCs.
The leading organs must acquire the ability to specialize their work. When we say specialize, we mean assistance from the CC, the Regional Committees to the Sectoral Organs so that:
Firstly:The SCs must acquire the ability to adapt the general directions to the specificities of their area of responsibility, taking into account a number of factors, such as the social composition, the real living standards, the prevailing views etc. I.e. they must not just repeat general directions, as usually happens, and in this way ending up carrying out a general discussion or a formalistic control and a sterile recitation of some organizational tasks.
Second:They must proceed to generalize their own experience, feeding the formation of central elaborations, positions and directions with new material, assessments, thoughts,conclusions.
Third:Specialization also means the prioritization of the goals of the SCs based on the central-general goals. I.e how the goal for the regroupment of the labour movement will be expressed in the the area of responsibility of each SC. How the Social Alliance will be advanced in every field. How the ideological and political struggle will be conducted, both independently by the party as well as inside the movement, in the specific field of activity.
The solid ideological level of the organs is a necessary precondition so that they work and function as real command centres. There needs to be a constant effort of the SCs, all the leading organs, in order to reinforce our capability in the ideological-political struggle that is under way in every area of work.
For the sectoral organs to draw sufficient and useful experience, the PBOs must be encouraged and seek in their area of responsibility to discuss wider issues in an organized way, in combination with the issues that  engage the workers’-people’s families on a daily basis.
A goal is the promotion in the next period of many cadres from the working class, with a working class-popular background, who will be assisted in order to acquire multifaceted capabilities, specialization in areas of work, a good ideological-political level, the ability to communicate with and lead masses, the ability to orient their work in the direction of regrouping the movement, promoting the regroupment of the movement, the promotion of the Social Alliance, the rallying around the party and the organization of new forces.
In order to implement this important task, there needs to be planning, research, timely and special preparation for KNE’s forces. There needs to be particular support for cadres that are deployed in work in the working class, while at the same time there needs to be a systematic utilization of scientists and artists who are party members, who will place their work at the service of the working class and the goals of the socialist prospect. We must persist in taking measures to assist cadres who are responsible for politically guiding PBOs and BOs. All the cadres, regardless of their deployment in specific sectors (organizational, mass, ideological), must acquire direct personal experience from discussions and communication with workers inside the movement, the trade unions, the mass organizations, the struggles so that the tasks are specialized in the movement in a specific and lively way, so that they directly engage with demands of the ideological-political struggle.
The overall improvement our work  is directly related to the improvement of the performance and contribution of the Sections of the CC, its mechanisms. Despite the relatively adequate staffing of certain sections, it still continues to be absolutely necessary to further reinforce and staff all the basic mechanisms of the Sections of the CC with new comrades who will be educated at the side of the older comrades. The new CC must contribute to the elaborations of the Sections of the CC with the collective discussion and to guide the corresponding work at the level of Regional Committees and Sectoral Committees, and the respective organs of KNE.
The conditions of the class struggle will become increasingly complex, increasingly difficult. We must be prepared for this. A basic criterion for the CC as a whole, the cadres, all the leading organs, is the level of readiness to immediately respond to the most difficult tasks, as well as the ability to predict even in terms of issues of daily work and the political developments.
In particular, because today a new cadre force is a emerging with relatively less experience, there needs to be a reinforcement of certain issues concerning the functioning of the leading organs that are not self-evident. The statutory principles governing the party’s functioning must be unwaveringly observed, the discussion of different thoughts and opinions, which is something objective and natural, must be open, sincere, must not contribute to unjust suspicion, must not negatively affect the cohesion of the organs, without  criteria based on personal likes and dislikes .The older and more experienced cadres must play a particular role in this direction.
The 20th Congress confirmed that the regroupment and development of the international communist movement is a permanent, consistent task for our a party. It flows from the global character of the class struggle.
The International Communist Movement is in retreat, finds it difficult to react against the offensive of the class enemy, which is taking place not only with repressive measures, but also with ideological-political means, with the impact of opportunism.
The Party of the European Left (PEL), as a centre for the coordination of opportunist forces at the level of Europe, plays a particular role in supporting opportunism inside the International Communist Movement. The CPs that participate in the PEL act as a “battering ram” for  de-communisation, i.e. the further loss of the communist characteristics of other CPs as well.
The 20th Congress of the KKE approved the initiatives taken in the previous period in order to gather together communists forces from all over the world, to develop joint activity and decided to continue to orient our work in this direction:Specifically:
  • In the effort to form condition that will lend impetus to the issue of the common strategy of the Communist Parties through the work of the “International Communist Review”, its circulation, and also through other forms in the future.
  • In the intervention that has begun in Europe with the formation of the “European Communist Initiative”, as a form of regional cooperation of 29 Communist Parties.
  • There must be a continuation of the Regional Meetings of Communist and Workers Parties. These are the European Communist Meetings, the meetings of the CPs of the Eastern Mediterranean, Red Sea and Persian Gulf and the meetings of the Balkan CPs.
  • In the effort to maintain the communist characteristics of the International Meetings of the 120 Communist and Workers Parties that participate in them.
The process of the revolutionary regroupment is slow, difficult, vulnerable, will be based on the ability of the communist parties to comprehensively strengthen themselves ideologically, politically and organizationally in their countries. Overcoming mistaken positions that prevailed in the International Communist Movement in the previous decades and are being reproduced in different forms today. Building solid bases in the working class, in strategic sectors of the economy, reinforcing their intervention in the labour-people’s movement.
Our party still has the goal of forming a Marxist-Leninist pole in the international communist movement. The further specific forms that its formation may take depends on the steps made by other Communist parties as well. Our party will contribute in every way possible at a bilateral and multilateral level to this effort, also developing its independent ideological-political intervention.
The KKE maintains relations, discusses, exchanges views and seeks common activity with dozens of communist and workers parties and will intensify this effort in the next period, irrespective of the level of agreement or disagreement on partial or more all-encompassing issues.
The KKE expresses and will continue to express its solidarity with the just demands and the struggles of all the peoples. In particular, it expresses its solidarity with the people of Palestine that are suffering due to the Israeli occupation and military aggression.
The KKE consistently expresses its solidarity with the Cypriot people against the Turkish invasion-occupation and every kind of dichotomous “solution”.Our party fights for a united Cyprus, for one and not two states, with one sovereignty, one citizenship, one international personality, a common homeland for Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots, without occupation and other foreign armies, without foreign bases, without guarantors and “protectors”, with the Cypriot people masters in their own land.
As a whole, the KKE defends the struggle of every people against the imperialist interventions and wars, for the friendship and solidarity of the peoples. It contributes as best it can in the framework of the international mass movement for the leading activity of the WFTU, WPC, WIDF, WFDY.
The party, emerging from a period when it was compelled to take difficult decisions as regards its finances (e.g. closure of the television and radio station of “902”, the ending of the functioning of “Typoekdotiki” print works, the reduction of the spending of the Party Organizations etc.) so that it could cover its basic needs of its propaganda work, its work to project its positions. The contribution of the communist men and women, the members of KNE and the many friends of the party was the decisive factor for the party to achieve this.
It  feels real pride concerning the hundreds of thousands of workers all over the country, as well as those that are immigrants in other countries,  that supported the KKE from their meagre earnings- both during the fund-raising campaign and also throughout the whole year-as well as concerning the thousands of members and cadres of the party and KNE who struggle daily to help the party financially so that it can respond to its high objectives in service of the interests of the workers and all the popular strata.
The party was and continues to find itself in a particularly difficult period for the working class, the Greek people as a whole. The consequences of the crisis continue to torment the popular families. The  close, comradely, militant, political relationship of the workers with the party, for 100 years, in even the most difficult moments of the struggle, is also expressed through their financial support, through the further development of the bonds of the party and KNE with their friends and supporters.
The increase of income from fund-raising work and the support of the organizations, the increase of the circulation of “Rizospastis”, of “Kommounistiki Epitheorisi”, of “Odigitis”, of the publications of “Synchroni Epohi”, apart from the more general importance they have for the ideological-political intervention, can significantly contribute to reinforcing the party’s finances.
In the context of the offensive being escalated by the class enemy and its parties, via its mechanisms and its governments, the party must have greater readiness, competence, financial self-sufficiency for serious political, ideological, publishing activity, so that the political line of the party reaches the Greek people in a mass, more decisive, broad and comprehensive way.
  • Nationwide Conference to monitor the Decision regarding the regroupment of the labour and trade union movement, the promotion of the Social Alliance, the updating of the joint action framework of the rallies in which the party is active, party building (especially inside the working class and strategically important sectors).
  • Extended Plenum of the CC or Nationwide Conference to study the issues of the urban self-employed (especially those in the major urban centres) and their movement.
  • Extended Plenum of the CC or Nationwide Conference to study the issue of agriculture, the movement, the rallies and activity of the party amongst the small-medium farmers.
  • Completion of the study on the class structure of Greek society.
  • Continuation of broad work to shed light on our proposal for a unified 12-year school, as well as the completion of a number of elaborations related to the position of the party on pre-school education, Vocational and Unified Higher Education.
  • Updating of positions on issues of health-social insurance-welfare.
  • Nationwide Conference for the final approval of the redrafted first volume of the History of the Party, which deals with the period from before the party’s establishment up until 1949. To proceed with the completion of the study of the period of the dictatorship. At the same time, there must be a continuation of the efforts to complete the historical research for the writing of the period 1974-1991.
  • The Central Committee undertakes the task for the  continuous and systematic monitoring of the course of the events, publications and other cultural and political activities, the final steps for the important 100th anniversary of the party in 2018, with the basic task being the approval of the Declaration of the CC on the 100th anniversary. The issue will be discussed at an Extended Plenum of the CC.
  • Suitable staffing of the Sections of the CC so that the study of socialist construction during the 20th century can proceed, as well as the study of the strategy of the International Communist Movement and in particular of the Communist International.
  • Decisive promotion and completion of the schools of Marxist education at the level of Sectoral Organizations and mainly the cycle of lessons on the Programme at the level of the PBOs and BOs.
  • Organization of a discussion in the CC on propaganda and its forms,  on the Internet media of the party and the enhancement of our intervention in social media networks. Special discussion on the development of the work and circulation of “Rizospastis”.
Athens, 30 March-2 April 2017.
20th Congress of the KKE.
Communist-backed ‘Panspoudastiki’ gains second place in Greece’s student elections

Thursday, May 25, 2017

Communist-backed ‘Panspoudastiki’ gains second place in Greece’s student elections
Report by In Defense of Communism, Info by

“Panspoudastiki KS”, the communist-backed university students party- emerges again at a national level as the second force in the Universities and the Technological Institutes. The result confirms that there is a very important mass of students that place their trust in the positions and activity of the Communist Youth of Greece (KNE).

Thousands of students supported the lists of “Panspoudastiki KS” (PKS) in the student union elections held on the 24th of May. They struggled alongside the members of KNE in order to shape the positive result of the student union elections.

“Panspoudastiki KS” increased its actual votes and percentage in the Universities, receiving 24.48% (in 114 from 199 Schools). The lists of DAP (of the conservative party New Democracy) gain the majority of votes (37.89%), while PASP (of the social-democratic party PASOK) and EAAK (ultra-left ANTARSYA) saw a reduction in their actual votes in the universities. The government-oriented  list BLOKO of the new social-democratic party SYRIZA has decreased dramatically, reaching 0.50%.

In the Technological Institutes “Panspoudastiki KS” received 25.81% (in 37 from 66 Schools) remaining the second force there as well.
In a statement, the General Secretary of the CC of KNE Nikos Abatielos points out the fact that “Panspoudastiki KS” remains a “militant force”, remaing the second force in the University student elections. “The KKE and KNE will continue our efforts to strengthen the line of counterattack, against the antipeople policy of governments-EU-capital which crashes the studies and life of thousands of students” said Abatielos, adding that “the KKE and KNE will be in the front line of the struggle”.

* While this post was written, the counting of the votes was still in progress. You can check out the results by clicking here (in Greek). 
Position of the KKE on the developments in the Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE)

Friday, May 5, 2017

Position of the KKE on the developments in the Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE)

Position of the KKE on the developments in the Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE):

The KKE is informed and follows with great care the developments in the Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE).We know that today intense pressure is being exerted on the communist movement, on every CP, in the conditions of the negative international correlation of forces, with the aim that they abandon the revolutionary strategy, are co-opted into the capitalist system and become a force that manages the system. This is not something new in Spain, which saw the strong opportunist current of Eurocommunism in the ranks of the CP of Spain. The PCPE, which emerged as force that confronted the current of Eurocommunism, has developed long-term comradely relations with the KKE, which waged a major political fight against the corresponding opportunist current in our country. The social-democratic party SYRIZA emerged from this opportunist current and later gathered together all the rotten elements that social-democratic PASOK provided.
In addition, our party, which began the International Meetings of Communist and Workers Parties in 1999 in Athens, which have been consolidated with the support of other CPs as an important event for the international communist movement, had proposed and had fought for the PCPE to be included in the list of parties that are invited to them, known as the Solidnet list. Later on, when the forces of opportunism in Europe established their own centre, the so-called “Party of the European Left” and the need to form a communist pole intensified, which would defend Marxism-Leninism, the necessity of the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism and the construction of the new socialist-communist society, the “International Communist Review” was founded as a first effort to form this pole.
In this new effort the KKE struggled alongside the PCPE, as it did also in the new form of regional cooperation of the CPs of Europe (Communist Initiative) which is based on a Joint Founding Declaration and is in confrontation with the forces of opportunism in Europe.
In addition, the KKE, developing close and comradely relations with the PCPE, has visited Spain on many occasions and has invited cadres of the party in Greece. Delegations of the KKE participated in multi-day visits to workplaces in many cities of Spain, also supporting the electoral battles and other activities of the PCPE by speaking at rallies and meetings. Over the course of this cooperation, we came to know the PCPE better, its cadres and members, the militants that support the PCPE and the “Collectives of Young Communists” which have developed important, internationalist relations with the Communist Youth of Greece (KNE).
In the conditions that have arisen with the inner-party crisis of the PCPE, our party will seek relations with that party which it considers there is a proximity of political positions or approach in terms of goals and priorities that contribute to the development of the struggle and regroupment of the international communist movement. From this standpoint, our party from now on will develop bilateral relations with the PCPE with as its General Secretary Astor Garcia, judging that the positions which this party expresses correspond to the longstanding comradely relations we have developed with the comrades of the PCPE.
At the same time we should note that the course of the group of comrades Carmelo Suarez-Julio Diaz is making a negative impression, as is exemplified by the text recently issued by their “Political Secretariat” with the title: “Some want to use the PCPE as part of his strategy to break the International Communist Movement (ICM)”. There is an attempt in this text and other similar interventions to turn reality on its headSo those parties that seek to form a pole to defend Marxism-Leninism and have devoted their forces for the regroupment and unity of the communist movement, for the reinforcement of proletarian internationalism are accused of splitting the International Communist Movement and not those parties that are CPs in name only, which openly collaborate with the bourgeois class, with capital, which participate in bourgeois governments, which support the imperialist plans of NATO, the EU, which formed the opportunist centre of the PEL in Europe.
In addition, the publication of Trotskyist positions in the newspaper Unidad y Lucha, as well as the contacts and joint events which this group began with the opportunist CP Spain, which supported and supports the anti-people government of SYRIZA in Greece and fights against the KKE, have nothing to do with the PCPE that our party knew and struggled alongside.
We should note that during the preparation of the 7th issue of the International Communist Review (ICR), which is dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, this group submitted an article with certain unusual positions, such as, for example, that the socialist revolution…was bourgeois in content, or with other positions that downgraded the importance of the Marxist-Leninist worldview, supporting amongst other things the mistaken strategy of stages to socialism etc. These positions were at the focus of the criticism carried out by the KKE, as well as other parties during meeting of the Editorial Board, as well as afterwards. The intention of the KKE and other CPs, like the CP of Mexico, to take a public position in the “Space for Discussion” of the ICR against these positions led to the group of Carmelo Suarez-Julio Diaz withdrawing their article so that there would be no criticism, concealing in this way the unacceptable positions argued for in their article from the members and cadres of the PCPE.
After all this and other things that have happened in Spain  which we are aware of, as regards the role of this group, after the provocative attack against the CP of Mexico, which has stood at the side of the PCPE in very difficult conditions, after the slanders against the KKE by cadres of this group and the hostility aimed by it at our party and the international joint initiatives we have taken and in which the two parties participate, we want to stress that on our part we will continue to have relations with the PCPE that we knew, struggled together with against opportunism and for the formation of a contemporary revolutionary strategy in the international communist movement and this, in our estimation, is expressed by the PCPE under the leadership of Astor Garcia and the other comrades who have taken on the reins of the PCPE in these difficult conditions.
International Relations Section of the CC of the KKE.

El KKE se ha informado y sigue con gran atención los acontecimientos en el Partido Comunista de los Pueblos de España (PCPE). Entendemos que hoy en el movimiento comunista, en cada partido comunista se están ejerciendo presiones muy fuertes, en condiciones de correlación de fuerzas negativa a nivel internacional, con el objetivo de que abandonen la estrategia revolucionaria, que se asimilen en el sistema capitalista, que se conviertan en una fuerza que gestiona el sistema. Esto no es algo nuevo en España, que ha conocido la fuerte corriente oportunista del eurocomunismo en las filas del Partido Comunista de España. El PCPE, surgió como una fuerza que se enfrentó a la corriente del eurocomunismo, ha ido desarrollando largas relaciones camaraderiles con el KKE, que libró una gran lucha política con la corriente oportunista respectiva en nuestro país, de la que ha derivado el partido socialdemócrata de SYRIZA que más tarde ha reunido todos los elementos podridos que proporcionaba el PASOK socialdemócrata.

Además, nuestro partido, que ha comenzado los Encuentros Internacionales de Partidos Comunistas y Obreros en 1999 en Atenas, que se han consolidado con el apoyo de varios partidos comunistas como un evento importante para el movimiento comunista internacional, había propuesto y luchado para la integración del PCPE en la lista de partidos invitados en estos, la conocida lista de SolidNet. Más tarde, cuando las fuerzas del oportunismo en Europa establecieron su propio centro, el llamado “Partido de la Izquierda Europea” y se fortaleció la necesidad de formar un polo comunista en defensa del marxismo-leninismo, la necesidad del derrocamiento revolucionario del capitalismo y la construcción de la nueva sociedad socialista-comunista, se fundó la revista internacional “Revista Comunista Internacional” como un nuevo esfuerzo para la formación de este polo.

En este nuevo esfuerzo, el KKE luchó junto con el PCPE, tal como para la nueva forma de cooperación regional de partidos comunistas de Europa (Iniciativa Comunista) que se basa en una Declaración Fundacional Común y está en confrontación con las fuerzas del oportunismo en Europa.

Además, el KKE ha ido construyendo estrechas relaciones camaraderiles con el PCPE, ha visitado muchas veces España y ha invitado a cuadros de este partido en Grecia. Delegaciones del KKE han participado en visitas de varios días en centros de trabajo en muchas ciudades de España, apoyando además el PCPE con discursos en concentraciones y reuniones para las batallas electorales y otras actividades. En este transcurso hemos llegado a conocer mejor el PCPE, sus cuadros y miembros, los luchadores que apoyan el PCPE y los Colectivos de Jóvenes Comunistas que han desarrollado importantes relaciones internacionalistas con la Juventud Comunista de Grecia (KNE).

En las condiciones que han surgido con la crisis interna en el PCPE, nuestro partido pretenderá mantener relaciones con el partido que considera que existe una proximidad de posiciones políticas o un acercamiento en términos de objetivos y prioridades, que contribuyen al desarrollo de la lucha y del reagrupamiento del movimiento comunista internacional. En este sentido, nuestro partido a partir de ahora desarrollará relaciones bilaterales con el PCPE con el camarada Ástor García como Secretario General, teniendo en cuenta que las posiciones que expresa este Partido corresponden a las largas relaciones camaraderiles que hemos desarrollado con los camaradas del PCPE.

Al mismo tiempo, cabe señalar la impresión negativa que está haciendo el camino que sigue el grupo de los camaradas Carmelo Suárez y Julio Díaz tal como se comprueba en el texto publicado recientemente por su “Secretariado Político” bajo el título: “Algunos quieren utilizar el PCPE como parte de su estrategia para romper al Movimiento Comunista Internacional (MCI)”. A través de este texto y otras intervenciones similares, se hace un esfuerzo de revertir la realidad. Así que se acusan de división del Movimiento Comunista Internacional los partidos que pretenden formar un polo en defensa del marxismo-leninismo y cuyas fuerzas están comprometidas con el reagrupamiento y la unidad del movimiento comunista, con el fortalecimiento del internacionalismo proletario, y no aquellos partidos que son partidos comunistas sólo de nombre, que colaboran abiertamente con la burguesía, con el capital, que participan en gobiernos burgueses, que apoyan los planes imperialistas de la OTAN y de la UE, que han formado el centro imperialista del PIE en Europa.

Además, la publicación de posiciones trotskistas en el periódico Unidad y Lucha, así como los contactos y eventos conjuntos que ha comenzado este grupo con el PCE oportunista que ha apoyado y sigue apoyando el gobierno antipopular de SYRIZA en Grecia y ha luchado contra el KKE, no tienen nada que ver con el PCPE que nuestro partido ha conocido y con lo que han luchado juntos.

Cabe señalar que durante la preparación del 7º número de la Revista Comunista Internacional (RCI), dedicado al 100 aniversario de la Gran Revolución de Octubre, este grupo presentó un artículo con ciertas posiciones extrañas como p.ej. que la revolución socialista era… burguesa en su contenido, u otras posiciones que reducen la importancia de la cosmovisión marxista-leninista, apoyando entre otros la estrategia equivocada de etapas hacia el socialismo, etc. Durante la reunión del Consejo Editorial y luego, el KKE así como otros partidos centraron su crítica a estas posiciones. La intención del KKE y de otros partidos comunistas, como el PC de México, de expresarse públicamente en el “Espacio para el Diálogo” de la RCI contra estas posiciones, hizo que el grupo de Carmelo Suárez y Julio Díaz retirase su artículo para que no hubiese ninguna crítica, ocultando de los miembros y los cuadros del PCPE las posiciones inaceptables expresadas en su artículo.
Después de todo esto y otras cosas que han sucedido en España y de las que estamos informados, respecto el papel de este grupo, después del ataque provocador contra el PC de México que ha estado al lado del PCPE en condiciones muy difíciles, después de las calumnias de cuadros del grupo contra el KKE y la hostilidad con la que se dirigen contra nuestro partido y las iniciativas internacionales conjuntas que hemos tomado y en las que participan ambos partidos, quisiéramos destacar que de nuestra parte seguiremos teniendo relaciones con el PCPE que hemos conocido y con que hemos luchado juntos contra el oportunismo y para la elaboración de una estrategia revolucionaria contemporánea en el movimiento comunista internacional y esto, en nuestra opinión, se expresa por el PCPE, bajo la dirección de Ástor García y los demás camaradas que han tomado las riendas del PCPE en estas condiciones difíciles.

La Sección de RR.II. del CC del KKE,

Respuesta del KKE a las calumnias.
El 4 de mayo, el grupo de Carmelo Suárez-Julio Díaz, dio a la publicidad el artículo de Alexis Dorta “Lecciones de Octubre: el PCPE en el centenario de la revolución de Octubre” que iba a ser publicado en el 7º número de la Revista Comunista Internacional (RCI) y al final fue retirado por ellos mismos, para que sus miembros y cuadros no llegaran a conocer las posiciones que planteaban en este artículo, ni la posición crítica del KKE y del PC de México.
De hecho, en la introducción contiene calumnias a expensas del KKE y del PC de México, mientras que hacen una falsificación, diciendo que supuestamente cuando hablaban del contenido burgués de la revolución socialista, hablaban de la Revolución de Febrero. Algo que claramente no surge del texto de su artículo.
Respecto este artículo quisiéramos destacar lo siguiente:
Todos los partidos, que participamos voluntariamente en la RCI, nos hemos comprometido con la Declaración de Fundación de Estambul de que consideramos el proceso de la “Revista Comunista Internacional” como un primer paso en la dirección de formar un polo de Partidos Comunistas que defienden el marxismo-leninismo y trabajan conjuntamente para la elaboración de una estrategia revolucionaria común del movimiento comunista internacional.
En las reuniones de la RCI se pretende debatir cada vez los temas sobre los que existen divergencias, diferentes enfoques, para que la revista tenga una expresión política única, en primer lugar en el artículo editorial, así como en los demás artículos.
Debido a que este esfuerzo requiere tiempo y discusión, no se puede hacer de un momento a otro, hemos establecido desde hace unos años el “Espacio para el Diálogo” donde cada partido tiene la oportunidad de plantear de manera camaraderil su propio enfoque sobre cuestiones en uno u otro artículo, si estos enfoques no se pueden tomar en cuenta por el escritor y no se pueden superar a través de la discusión en la reunión de la RCI y tras el proceso de las observaciones escritas.
En base a lo anterior, nuestro Partido para contribuir de la mejor manera posible en la discusión y para que se superen los problemas surgidos de este artículo, hizo los siguientes esfuerzos:
1) Planteó (oralmente) en la reunión de diciembre de 2016 sus observaciones sobre el artículo, respecto algunos puntos muy graves, y fue asegurado por el camarada Alexis Dorta, que tomó parte en la reunión del Consejo Editorial, que iban a ser examinadas cuidadosamente.
2) Presentó por escrito sus observaciones, dentro del plazo que se había establecido, el 19/12/2016.
3) Examinó el artículo revisado, enviado el 4/2/2017 y concluyó que se mantenían cuestiones graves sobre las cuales nuestro Partido tiene un enfoque diferente y decidimos, puesto que tenemos este derecho, escribir al “Espacio para el Diálogo”.
4) Respondemos positivamente a la nueva solicitud enviada el 1/3/2017 y el “Secretariado Técnico de la RCI” (del que nuestro partido es responsable) congeló la edición inglesa, tal como se nos pidió, para que se enviara una nueva versión de su artículo “100 años de la Revolución Socialista de Octubre. Lecciones actuales.” aunque tal cosa no está prevista en el proceso que seguimos. Sin embargo, consideramos importante agotar todos los plazos y toda posibilidad, a fin de se superar los diferentes enfoques que se han presentado en algunos puntos básicos de este artículo concreto.
5) En nuestra carta de 9/3/2017 señalamos que el proceso del “Espacio para el Diálogo” es un proceso que se ha establecido, se ha aplicado también en artículos del KKE, donde otros partidos expresaron diferentes enfoques a los de nuestro partido y, desde este punto de vista, no tenía base, la petición de que no se publicaran los comentarios enviados al “Espacio para el Diálogo” por los camaradas del PC de México.
6) Recibimos la segunda versión final del artículo, el 13/3/2017, sin embargo, nos dimos cuenta de que en los asuntos sobre los que centramos nuestro enfoque diferente, no hubo cambios esenciales. Por lo tanto, consideramos necesario participar en el “Espacio para el Diálogo” y comunicamos esta nuestra intención.
Por lo que se desprende de lo anterior, el KKE ha cumplido con todo lo contemplado en el marco del funcionamiento de la RCI, mientras que el grupo de Carmelo Suárez-Julio Díaz, demoraba deliberadamente durante un trimestre poniendo obstáculos en la publicación de la RCI. Sin embargo, tras la publicación de su artículo ayer, consideramos necesario en primer lugar para informar a todos los camaradas que siguen estos acontecimientos, publicar las observaciones del KKE que estaban destinadas para el “Espacio para el Diálogo” y tenían que ver con este artículo de A.Dorta.
Sección de RR.II. del CC del KKE

* * * 

Observaciones de los representantes de “Kommunistiki Epitheorisi” (del KKE) sobre el artículo “Cien años de la Revolución Socialista de Octubre. Lecciones actuales” de Alexis Dorta

Teniendo en cuenta, en primer lugar, los problemas relacionados con dificultades de traducción, quisiéramos referirnos creativamente a ciertas posiciones-expresiones que están incluidas en el artículo y que quizás se podrían mal interpretar:
“El marxismo-leninismo no debe tratarse como un recetario general de aplicación mecánica a cualquier realidad, … como método, de análisis de la praxis histórica y como cosmovisión integral de carácter científico, como ideología del proletariado.”
Por supuesto, el marxismo-leninismo no es un dogma y, ciertamente, hay que resguardarnos de una repetición mecánica y abstracta de posiciones.
El marxismo-leninismo es la teoría científica integral para el paso revolucionario del capitalismo al comunismo y, por consiguiente, una guía para la acción. Durante el siglo XX, así como en nuestros días, se ha intentado revisarla en el nombre de las particularidades, las especificidades nacionales, incluso de aplicarla de manera mecánica. Con esta excusa se abandonó la estrategia revolucionaria, se justificó la participación en gobiernos burgueses y la cooperación con fuerzas burguesas. Hay que prestar atención a la posición de que el marxismo-leninismo no es “un recetario general de aplicación mecánica” para no sea utilizada con el fin de refutarla, en combinación con que esto realmente ocurrió en el pasado también, cuando algunas personas defendían que la Revolución de Octubre no tiene un significado mundial, sino que su significado se limita en el marco de la realidad rusa. Sin embargo, en realidad, todos los comunistas reconocemos su importancia mundial, el hecho de que señaló la transición de la humanidad del capitalismo a la nueva sociedad, al socialismo-comunismo. Hoy día, en condiciones en que los monopolios, el capitalismo monopolista, predominan en todos los países capitalistas, no consideramos que pueda existir alguna “realidad” en la que nuestra cosmovisión no se pueda aplicar. Además, por otra parte existe la experiencia de la construcción del socialismo en la URSS. Su derrocamiento tuvo lugar, según las evaluaciones de nuestro Partido, no principalmente porque nuestra cosmovisión había sido aplicada de manera dogmática o “mecánica” (sin excluir la existencia de este tipo de errores también), sino a causa de las violaciones de las leyes científicas de la Revolución y de la Construcción Socialista y de la corrosión de los partidos comunistas por el oportunismo.
En relación con la frase de que “Lenin tuvo en cuenta, que en función del análisis de las condiciones, estableció la estrategia modular del proceso revolucionario en Rusia”, la verdad es que Lenin tuvo que tratar también la cuestión del derrocamiento del Estado del imperio zarista, con elementos semi-feudales que no existen hoy en las sociedades capitalistas. Además, se hicieron cambios en la elaboración estratégica de los bolcheviques desde 1905 hasta la victoria de la Revolución de Octubre y en general no hay que considerar responsable por la estrategia equivocada de las etapas a los principios generales del leninismo.
Además, evaluamos que hay que tener cuidado con la formulación que dice que los bolcheviques tenían una posición para “favorecer los elementos de avance capitalistas”. Es cierto que el capitalismo, en relación con el anterior sistema feudal, constituyó un paso hacia delante en el desarrollo social, pero el nivel de desarrollo del capitalismo (p.ej. del capitalismo pre-monopolista al capitalismo monopolista-imperialista) y el análisis leninista de la trayectoria del sistema, no se puede interpretar como un esfuerzo de los bolcheviques de seguir desarrollando el capitalismo.
En el texto, según nuestra evaluación, es equivocada la caracterización de la revolución de Octubre como “burguesa” en su contenido. Consideramos que esta caracterización no tiene base científica. En contraste con el carácter democrático-burgués de la revolución de 1905 y los problemas resueltos en febrero de 1917, la fuerza dirigente de la Revolución de Octubre fue la clase obrera y su carácter era socialista. La clase obrera conquistó el poder y es de gran importancia la posición de Lenin en su discurso sobre el 4º aniversario de la Revolución de Octubre (Obras Completas t.44) donde señala que: “Resolvimos los problemas de la revolución democrático-burguesa al pasar, como un “sub-producto” de nuestras actividades fundamentales y genuinamente proletarias, revolucionarias, socialistas”.
En fin, la evaluación que se incluye en este artículo de que “Precisamente por no haber dado lugar a esa táctica de crear una presión reformista, la guerra creó una situación revolucionaria, como un enfrentamiento abierto, nítido y virulento entre clases.” es problemática y eso es porque dicha formulación no subraya el carácter objetivo de la manifestación de la situación revolucionaria.
October Revolution’s 100th anniversary: Leningrad will host the 19th IMCWP on November

Thursday, April 27, 2017

October Revolution’s 100th anniversary: Leningrad will host the 19th IMCWP on November
Twenty-seven Communist and Workers’ Parties from all over the world gathered in Moscow for a two day meeting of the Working Group (WG) of the 19th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties (IMCWP)

In the meeting, which was held on 21-22 April, the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) was represented by Giorgos Marinos, member of the Political Bureau, Elisseos Vagenas, member of the CC and head of the Party’s International Relations department and Danae Helmi, member of the International Relations committee of the CC of KNE. 
The opening speech was delivered by the President of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) Gennadi Zyuganov, while the participants discussed the preparations for the 19th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties (IMCWP) which will be held in Leningrad (St.Petersburg) on 2-3 November 2017. The theme  for the meeting is decided to be : “The 100th anniversary of the great October socialist revolution: the ideals of the communist movement, revitalizing the struggle against imperialistic wars, for peace and socalism“.
The participants at the Working Group had also the opportunity to visit the Red Square and the Mausoleum of Vladimir Ilich Lenin, on the occasion of his 147th birthday.