Category: Communist Party Russian Federation
KKE: Solidarity with the Communists in Russia

Monday, July 10, 2017

KKE: Solidarity with the Communists in Russia

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/07/kke-solidarity-with-communists-in-russia.html
Source: inter.kke.gr.
The MEP of the KKE, Sotiris Zarianopoulos, denounced, with a question to the High Representative of the EU for Foreign and Defense of Policy F. Mogherini, the arrest of two cadres of the Russian Communist Workers’ Party, as well as the tabling of a law that outlaws meetings of MPs with workers and is aimed against the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
The question of the MEP of the KKE was as follows:
“In recent decades, after the overthrow of socialism in the Soviet Union, an assault against the democratic and trade union rights of the workers is being observed in a number of countries in Eastern Europe, as well as in Russia. The climax of this assault is both the anti-communist bans in former socialist countries, which are members of the EU, as well as in Ukraine, and also the corresponding restrictions on the activity of the CPs.
New worrying incidents have been coming to light recently in Russia, like the arrest of two cadres of the Russian Communist Workers Party during the celebrations of the Anti-fascist Victory on May 9 2017, by the Russian authorities. In addition, the tabling of a draft law, which outlaws any meeting of elected MPs at all levels with workers, without the permission of the authorities, targets the Communist Party of the Russian federation (CPRF) and aims to impede the communication of the MPs of the CPRF with the workers.
 
Based on the above the High Representative is asked:
 
-What is the position of the Commission on the anti-democratic acts of the Russian authorities?
 
-What is its position on the serious issue as regards the persecution of and obstacles to the political activity of the CPs?”
10.07.2017.

* * *

Компартия Греции солидарна с коммунистами России.

Евродепутат от Компартии Греции Сотирис Зарианопулос осудил арест двух членов Российской коммунистической рабочей партии, а также внесение законопроекта, запрещающего встречи избранных депутатов с трудящимися и направленного против Коммунистической партии Российской Федерации, и обратился с вопросом к Верховному представителю по иностранным делам и политике безопасности Ф. Могерини.
Вопрос евродепутата от КПГ следующий:
«В последние десятилетия, после свержения социализма в Советском Союзе, в ряде стран Восточной Европы, а также в России наблюдается ущемление демократических и профсоюзных прав трудящихся. Кульминацией этого ущемления стал антикоммунистический запрет как в бывших социалистических странах, которые являются членами ЕС, так и на Украине, а также аналогичные ограничения деятельности компартий.
В России в последнее время появляются новые тревожные явления, такие как арест российскими властями двух партийных деятелей Российской коммунистической рабочей партии во время празднования Победы над фашизмом, 9 мая 2017 года, как и внесение законопроекта, который запрещает любые, не согласованные с властями, встречи избранных депутатов всех уровней с трудящимися и направлен против Коммунистической партии Российской Федерации (КПРФ), а также нацелен на создание препятствий в общении депутатов КПРФ с трудящимися.
На основании вышеизложенного, прошу Верховного представителя ответить:
– Как Комиссия относится к антидемократическим действиям российских властей?
– Как она относится к серьезному вопросу, касающемуся преследований и создания препятствий для политической деятельности компартий?»
October Revolution’s 100th anniversary: Leningrad will host the 19th IMCWP on November

Thursday, April 27, 2017

October Revolution’s 100th anniversary: Leningrad will host the 19th IMCWP on November

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/04/october-revolutions-100th-anniversary.html
Twenty-seven Communist and Workers’ Parties from all over the world gathered in Moscow for a two day meeting of the Working Group (WG) of the 19th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties (IMCWP)

In the meeting, which was held on 21-22 April, the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) was represented by Giorgos Marinos, member of the Political Bureau, Elisseos Vagenas, member of the CC and head of the Party’s International Relations department and Danae Helmi, member of the International Relations committee of the CC of KNE. 
The opening speech was delivered by the President of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) Gennadi Zyuganov, while the participants discussed the preparations for the 19th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties (IMCWP) which will be held in Leningrad (St.Petersburg) on 2-3 November 2017. The theme  for the meeting is decided to be : “The 100th anniversary of the great October socialist revolution: the ideals of the communist movement, revitalizing the struggle against imperialistic wars, for peace and socalism“.
 
The participants at the Working Group had also the opportunity to visit the Red Square and the Mausoleum of Vladimir Ilich Lenin, on the occasion of his 147th birthday.
Fighting Russophobes & enemies of Soviet rule tops Communist election agenda

https://www.rt.com/politics/382448-fighting-russophobes-and-enemies-of/

Fighting Russophobes & enemies of Soviet rule tops Communist election agenda
The fight against anti-Soviet activities, Russophobia and nationalism will be key campaign points for the Russian Communist Party in its 2018 presidential election agenda. However, the party has still not decided who it will put forward as a candidate.

The Communist Party’s Central Committee decided on the strategy it will be using in the 2018 presidential elections  at a plenary meeting over the weekend. In the words of party leader Gennadiy Zyganov, “Anti-Soviet activities, Russophobia and nationalism executed the Soviet state, and 25 years later they are attacking Russia.”

Zyuganov went on to say that “Russophobia has become a part of Russia’s internal life,” and revealed a list of people he considered to be responsible for the most blatant anti-Russian behavior.

The list included former Finance Minister Aleksey Kudrin, who currently heads an independent think tank, and former Deputy Prime Minister Anatoly Chubais, who directs the state-owned hi-tech corporation Rusnano.

Enemies of the Soviet rule and Russophobes must not feel free in our country,” Zyuganov told his party colleagues.

He did not give any particular instructions on how Communists could help to achieve this objective.

The Communist leader also warned his party comrades against siding with anti-corruption activist Aleksey Navalny.

If anyone from our party gets ‘glued’ to Navalny – this American toy invented for organizing color revolutions – this would mean a 100-percent failure for us,” he said.

The comments came just days after Russian media reported that the Communist bloc in the State Duma intended to demand a probe into PM Dmitry Medvedev’s alleged illegal deals with businessmen and charity funds, described in one of Navalny’s latest online videos.

Earlier this month, popular daily Izvestia quoted unnamed sources in the Russian presidential administration as saying that Zyuganov, 72, had decided not to take part in the 2018 presidential election because he preferred to be remembered as the politician who had come in second behind Vladimir Putin in Russia’s 2012 presidential race.

Zyuganov has neither confirmed nor denied these rumors. At the same time, the head of the Communist Party’s Central Committee, Sergey Obukhov, described the report as a form of external pressure on the party and said that similar allegations had already appeared in the media many times.

No pasarán! We denounce the attempts to ban the Communist Party of Ukraine

Wednesday, February 8, 2017

No pasarán! We denounce the attempts to ban the Communist Party of Ukraine

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/02/no-pasaran-we-denounce-attempts-to-ban.html
Members from the International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties (IMCWP) have released a statement denouncing the attempts to ban the Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU). 
The statement points out the invalidity of the trial and underlines the grave responsibilities of the EU, NATO and USA in the process by supporting the ultra-right and fascist forces in Ukraine.

Apart from annihilating the CPU, the Ukrainian authorities attempt to falsify and distort the country’s history and turn former Nazi collaborators into heroes, says the statement.
Joint Statement of the Working Group of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties
“We denounce the attempts to ban the Communist Party of Ukraine”
7th February 2017
The undersigned Parties denounce once again in the strongest possible terms the attempts to ban the Communist Party of Ukraine in view of the relevant trial due to take place tomorrow (08.02.17) in Kiev. This parody trial aims at annihilating the CP Ukraine through a process that is contrary to the principles of International Law, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international principles and conventions.
The attempt at prohibiting the CP of Ukraine is the culmination of a continuous and violent persecution of the Party with the ultra-right and fascist forces at the forefront. The European Union, the US and NATO, which have fueled and supported these forces, bear grave responsibilities. The attempt to impose the so-called decommunisation of the country, to falsify and distort the country’s history and collective memory, which is seeking to serve the ideological and political considerations and interests of the current order in Ukraine, is evolving within this context. The efforts to turn former Nazi collaborators into heroes are all part of this campaign in the country.
The undersigned Communist and Workers Parties will work both at a local and international level to condemn such actions and denounce them before the international community. At the same time they will stand in solidarity with the CP Ukraine until its final vindication.
The first signatories:
Cyprus – AKEL – Progressive Party of the Working People
Czech Rep. – CPBM – Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia
Greece – KKE – Communist Party of Greece
Iran – Tudeh Party
Portugal – PCP – Portuguese Communist Party
Russia – CPRF – Communist Party of the Russian Federation
Turkey – TKP – Communist Party of Turkey
Alternative Communist party proposes punishment for ‘revolution deniers’

https://www.rt.com/politics/374332-alternative-communist-party-proposes-to/

Alternative Communist party proposes punishment for ‘revolution deniers’
Communists of Russia, a minor left-wing party, has proposed fining those who deny or distort the official history of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, saying such misrepresentations could sow societal discord and undermine the country’s stability.

In a letter to State Duma speaker Vyacheslav Volodin, Maksim Suraikin, the head of the party, wrote that a number of Russian politicians, mostly representatives of liberal and rightist forces, as well as promoters of “Western values,” have started making “empty statements that events such as the assault on the Winter Palace and the historical cannon shot of the Aurora cruiser never took place,” while calling the October Revolution a coup d’etat. The communist leader wrote that such notions bring dissent and chaos into Russian society, contradict proven facts, and disorient the younger generation.

He then went on to propose that the State Duma pass a bill making “denial of historical facts or distortion of events that relate to the 1917 October Revolution in public speeches and in mass media” a civil offense with a punishment ranging from a 5,000-ruble fine (about $85) to obligatory community service. Suraikin also proposed holding repeat offenders criminally responsible.

Approving this bill would allow Russia to celebrate the centennial of the revolution in a business-like and solemn atmosphere and also nip the destructive attempts of forces seeking to undermine the stability of Russian society in the bud,” he noted, saying his party was ready to send lawyers to parliament to help develop the bill.

The Communists of Russia party was founded in 2012 as an alternative to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which it accuses of being opportunistic and giving up the struggle for the revolution. The official heir of the Soviet Communist Party still commands huge public support and has substantial parliamentary representation, however, and the original communists have shrugged off the accusations of their younger competitors, describing their party as a spoiler project. Communists of Russia took part in the 2016 parliamentary elections, but failed to win any parliamentary seats.

Friday’s letter echoes a warning given by the head of the Upper House Committee for Defense and Security, Viktor Ozerov, who said earlier this month that he expected the fringe opposition to use the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution as a propaganda tool to split society.

In December of 2016, President Vladimir Putin ordered the Russian Ministry of Culture, the Ministry of Regions, and the Russian Historical Society to form a committee to prepare and hold events dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. He also recommended that regional and municipal authorities, various public movements, and NGOs assisted in executing this plan.

Communists want return of state ideology

https://www.rt.com/politics/374108-communists-want-return-of-state/

Communists want return of state ideology
A Russian Communist Party MP has announced plans to draft a law that would allow alterations to the constitution, such as re-introducing the notion of state ideology in the form of “patriotism and primacy of the state.”

Vladimir Bortko said in comments with Kommersant daily that he had developed a bill on the Constitutional Assembly and would draft it to the lower house in the nearest future. If passed, the bill would allow changes to be made to the constitution’s articles concerning the basics of Russian statehood and the main rights and freedoms of Russian citizens.

The lawmaker’s ultimate objective is to abolish Article 13 of the constitution, which reads that Russia cannot have a state ideology, and replace it with an article that would put the interests of the state above all others.

The ideology of the constitution is manifested through its content. And it promotes the ideology of liberalism, even though formally the ban on ideology remains in force. The idea of personal freedoms is being prioritized,” Bortko said.

I propose a state-centered and patriotic ideology that would put the interests of the state above all other principles of the constitution. Not some abstract freedoms of an individual, but very particular interests of the state that are currently being ignored,” he added.

Aleksandr Kynev, the dean of the Political Science Department of the Russian Higher School of Economics, commented on the initiative, saying that he saw no immediate need for such radical reform. He also forecasted that the bill was likely to increase confrontation in society and at the same time had very slim chances of being passed.

In 2012, then Russian President Dmitry Medvedev ordered his administration to prepare a draft federal bill on the Constitutional Assembly. However, soon afterwards Sergey Ivanov, who at that time headed the presidential administration, told reporters that legal experts had looked into the initiative and found it unfeasible.

Also, bills on the Constitutional Assembly were drafted to the State Duma in 2000 and 2015, but were rejected by MPs.

Russia adopted the current version of its constitution in a nationwide vote on December 12, 1993, and on December 25 that year it came into force, replacing the Soviet constitution of 1978. December 12 was made a national holiday, Constitution Day, in September 1994.

Meddling in Presidential Elections: Two Cases

http://hetq.am/eng/news/74607/meddling-in-presidential-elections-two-cases.html

13:55, January 13, 2017

By Markar Melkonian

Americans are outraged by allegations that Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered an intelligence service to hack email accounts of the Democratic National Committee. How inexpressibly heinous that one country, Russia, would try to influence elections in another sovereign country, in this case the United States!  How unprecedented!  How diabolical! How uniquely Russian!

In response, the Obama administration has expelled Russian diplomats, hinted at economic sanctions, and promised further retaliation using America’s “world-class arsenal of cyber weapons.”  (NYT Dec. 16, 2016) Obama’s Republican opponents, for their part, have demanded “rocks” instead of Obama’s “pebbles.”

But does the USA meddle in the presidential elections of other countries?  Our friends in South America might have insights here—hundreds of cases of economic and military blackmail, election fraud, assassination,and the violent overthrow of democratically elected leaders.  So too in Europe (Greece, Italy, Portugal, Georgia, Ukraine, etc.), east Asia (Japan, Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia, Korea, the Philippines, etc.), north Africa (Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco), and dozens of other countries on five of the six inhabited continents. (Joshua Keating, “Election Meddling Is Surprisingly Common,” Slate.com, 4 Jan., 2017; Tim Weiner, CIA:  Legacy of Ashes, 2008; Noam Chomsky, Deterring Democracy, 1992, 2006.)

In the welter of red-faced indignation, the torrents of denunciations from Senate hearings and press conferences, talk shows and podcasts, one might have expected someone to pose the rather obvious question whether American agencies have ever meddled in Russian presidential elections.  And yet (surprise surprise!) America’s corporate-owned press of record, an institution that constantly flaunts its “objectivity,” has failed to raise that straightforward question.

So, let us raise it here:  Has the USA engaged in this sort of meddling?  And if so, what effect has it had on Russia?

The answer to the first question, of course, is a resounding Yes.  Even as you read these words, you can bet that one or more of seventeenFederal agencies of the United States are busy hacking Russia.  (It is a safe bet that other countries are engaged in cyber espionage against Russia and the United States, too, including China and Israel.)

Let us limit our discussion to one single case.  Readers will recall that in the run-up to the 1996 presidential election in Russia, opinion polls put the pro-western incumbent, Boris Yeltsin, in fifth place among the presidential candidates, with only 8% support.  The same polls showed that the most popular candidate in Russia by a wide margin was the Communist Party’s Gennady Zyuganov. Moved to desperation by the numbers, well-connected Russian oligarchs suggested just cancelling the election and supporting a military takeover, rather than facing a defeat at the polls.  Neocons in the West embraced the idea–all in the name of Democracy, of course.  In the end, though, Yeltsin and the oligarchs decided to retain power by staging the election.

In keeping with Russian laws at the time, Zyuganov spent less than three million dollars on his campaign.  Estimates of Yeltsin’s spending, by contrast, range from $700 million to $2.5 billion.   (David M. Kotz, Russia’s Path from Gorbachev to Putin, 2007) This was a clear violation of law, but it was just the tip of the iceberg.

In February 1996, at the urging of the United States, the International Monetary Fund (which describes itself as “an organization of 188 countries, working to foster global monetary cooperation”) supplied a $10.2 billion “emergency infusion” to Russia.The money disappeared as Yeltsin used it to shore up his reputation and to buy votes.  He forced the Central Bank of Russia to provide an additional $1 billion for his campaign, too.  Meanwhile, a handful of Russian oligarchs, notably several big contributors residing in Israel, provided more billions for the Yeltsin campaign.

In the spring of 1996, Yeltsin and his campaign manager, billionaire privatizer Anatoly Chubais, recruited a team of financial and media oligarchs to bankroll the Yeltsin campaign and guarantee favorable media coverage on national television and in leading newspapers.  In return, Chubais allowed well-connected Russian business leaders to acquire majority stakes in some of Russia’s most valuable state-owned assets.

Campaign strategists for the former Republican governor of California Pete Wilsoncovertly made their way to the President Hotel in Moscow where, behind a guard and locked doors, they served as Yeltsin’s “secret campaign weapon” to save Russia for Democracy.  (Eleanor Randolph, “Americans Claim Role in Yeltsin Win,” L.A. Times, 9 July 1996)  Yeltsin and his cohorts monopolized all major media outlets, print and electronic, public, and private. They bombarded Russians with an incessant and uncontested barrage of political advertising masquerading as news, phony “documentaries,” rumors, innuendos, and bad faith campaign promises (including disbursement of back pay to workers and pensioners, stopping further NATO expansion, and peaceful settlement of Yeltsin’s brutal war against Chechnya). Yeltsin campaigners even floated the threat that he would stage a coup and the country would descend into civil war if Zyuganov were to win the vote.

It is now public record that the Yeltsin campaign conducted extensive “black operations,” including disrupting opposition rallies and press conferences, spreading disinformation among Yeltsin supporters, and denying media access to the opposition.  The dirty tricks included such tactics as announcing false dates for opposition rallies and press conferences,disseminatingalarming campaign materials that they deceitfully attributed to the Zyuganov campaign, and cancelling hotel reservations for Zyuganov and his volunteers.  Finally, widespread bribery, voter fraud, intimidation, and ballot stuffing assured Yeltsin’s victory in the runoff election.

The day after his victory, Yeltsin disappeared from the scene and did not reappear until months later, drunk. During Yeltsin’s second term, the “non-ideological” IMF provided another infusion of money, this time $40 billion.  Once again, more billions disappeared without a trace, much of it stolen by the President’s chronies, who placed it in foreign banks.  The re-elected President didn’t even pretend to make good on his campaign promises.

Serious observers, including leading Democrats, agree that even if the recent hacking allegations against Russia turn out to be true, the “dirty tricks” did not affect the outcome of the 2016 election.  By contrast, American meddling and financing of the 1996 presidential election in Russia clearly played a pivotal role in turning Yeltsin from a candidate with single-digit approval at the beginning of the yearinto a winning candidate with an official (but disputed) 54.4% of votes cast in the second-round runoff later that same year.

Let us consider some of the consequences of Yeltsin’s electoral win:

–In the first years of the Chubais-Yeltsin privatization scheme, the life expectancy of a Russian male fell from 65 years to 57.5 years.  Female life expectancy in Russia dropped from 74.5 years in 1989 to 72.8 years in 1999.

–Throughout Yeltsin’s terms as President, flight of capital away from Russia totaled between $1 and $2 billion every month.

–Each year from 1989 to 2001 there was a fall of approximately 8% in Russia’s productive assets.

–From 1990 to 1999 the percentage increase of people living on lessthan $1 a day was greater in Russian and the other former socialist countries than anywhere else in the world.

–The number of people living in poverty in the former Soviet Republicsrose from 14 million in 1989 to 147 million in 1998.As a result of the 1998 financial collapse and the devaluation of the ruble, the life savings of tens of millons of Russian families disappeared over night.  Since then, the Great Recession and low oil pries have only made matters worse.

–In the period from 1992 to 1998 Russia’s GDP fell by half–something that did not happen even under during the German invasion in the Second World War.

Under Yeltsin’s tenure, the death rate in Russia reached wartime levels.  Accidents, food poisoning, exposure, heart attacks, lack of access to basic healthcare, and an epidemic of suicides—they all played a role.  David Satter, a senior fellow at the anti-communist, Washington DC-based Hudson Institute, writing in the conservative Wall Street Journal, described the consequences of this victory of Democracy:  “Western and Russian demographers now agree that between 1992 and 2000, the number of ‘surplus deaths’ in Russia–deaths that cannot be explained on the basis of previous trends–was between five and six million persons.” (Accessed 8 April 2015.  American sociologist James Petras has given a figure of 15 million surplus deaths since the demise of the Soviet Union.)

NATO continued its expansion east. Yeltsin turned the Chechen city of Grozy into a field of rubble, and he quickly became the most reviled man in Russia.  But as one observer put it at the time, “Yeltsin didn’t seem to notice, which is hardly surprising, since he was drunk for most of his tenure in office.”By the time he left office, the American-approved President of the Russian Federation had an approval rating of 2%.  (CNN, 2002)   But by that time it didn’t matter:  the kleptocrats were safely installed in power, and American-imposed Democracy had achieved its aims in Russia’s “transition.”

Yeltsin died in 2007, celebrated as an anti-communist hero by the neocons in Washington and New York, but hated by the vast majority of Russians.  Four years later, Dmitri Medvedev, then-President of Russia, eulogized Yeltsin for creating “the base of a new Russian statehood, without which none of our future successes would be possible.”  But a Time magazine writer reported that, despite Medvedev’s public praise, the story he told privately was quite different.  On 20 February 2012, he reportedly told attendees at a closed-door meeting:  “Russia’s first President did not actually win re-election in 1996 for a second term.  The second presidential vote in Russia’s history, in other words, was rigged.”  (Simon Shuster, “Rewriting Russian History:  Did Boris Yeltsin Steal the 1996 Presidential Election?” Time online, 24 Feb. 2012.)

Some readers, perhaps, do not see the point of reminding ourselves of America’s role in the election of Yeltsin and America’s responsibility for the resulting misery and mass death.  But let us remind ourselves that the recent hacking accusations are just one element of a full-on media assault against Russia, led by Washington.  From supposed Russian war crimes in the fight against the murderous jihadi occupiers of Syria to Russia’s re-annexation of overwhelmingly pro-Russian Crimea and the doping of Olympic athletes, America’s neocons are engaged in a propaganda blitz with high stakes.

Armenia is one of many frontline positions in Washington’s escalating media campaign against Russia.  Yes, the Russian Federation is an imperialist state, in V.I. Lenin’s technical sense of the term.  And yes, Russia wields undo influence in Armenia.  But by now it is clear that greater sovereignty for Armenia is not what is at stake when it comes to the Russophobe opposition.  After all, the Russia haters do not seem to have much problem with the idea of giving up sovereignty to the American imperialists and their regional surrogate, the Republic of Turkey. More importantly, the cause of greater national sovereignty will be harmed if the Russia haters have their way.  They only confirm the pervasivesense of vulnerability, economic isolation, and military encirclement among Russians, a people who have endured three decades of enormous destruction and humiliation, after a century of invasion and wars that claimed the lives of tens of millions of their compatriots.

Let us remind ourselves that the loudest of Yerevan’s Russia haters are the same fanatics who led Armenia to its present state of ruin.  After so much failure and disaster, they continue to hawk the old dangerous fantasy of Uncle Sam as Armenia’s savior. They are unrepentant, and like Yeltsin, they take their marching orders from Washington.

Markar Melkonian is a teacher and an author. His books include Richard Rorty’s Politics:  Liberalism at the End of the American Century (1999), Marxism: A Post-Cold War Primer (Westview Press, 1996), and My Brother’s Road (2005).