Month: March, 2011
BOOK REVIEW: Jeanne Lemkau’s Lost and Found in Cuba
| March 13, 2011 | 9:41 pm | Action | Comments closed

By Karen Lee Wald

via CUBANEWS and Cuba-Inside-Out (google group)

For some time now I have been planning to review some recent books on Cuba. What made me hesitate was that two of the books were written by people I know; by people who support the essence of the Cuban Revolution, and had valid experiences there that should be passed on to others — BUT, each of the books had some points I strongly disagreed with or considered inaccurate or misleading, and frankly, I didn’t know how to handle this.

I’ve decided to just plunge in – knowing these reviews won’t be all I want them to be – because I just got another book that I REALLY want people to read (Keith Bolender’s “Voices from the Other Side”) and if I don’t start reviewing all of these books, warts and all, many of you will never know about them.

So here is number 1 of what I hope will be at least 4 book reviews. Remember there are a lot more really good things in this book than I have noted here, which you will have to read the book yourself to find.

Part 1: REVIEW OF JEANNE LEMKAU’s Lost and Found in Cuba

The first thing to recognize when reading this book is that it is primarily about Lemkau’s “change of life”, not about Cuba.

But I am not going to review that book for Cuba-Inside-Out – which I realize is a disservice to Lemkau and her book. My expertise is Cuba, not life-changes in women, as fascinating as those may be and as well-written this part of the book is. So I can only focus on the specifically Cuban aspects of this book, which unfortunately means I will have to dwell on some of its shortcomings as well as its often startling naivete stemming from her lack of knowledge about many aspects of Cuban life.

She tells us this, and acknowledges throughout the book what her personal focus – and biases – were. In fact, Lemkau explains from the start that she “first visited Cuba on a whim”. The opportunity arose as part of a week-long educational exchange focusing on health care in 2000, sponsored by the National Peace Corps Association and the Friendship Force.

That Cuba would host or even accept such a trip might seem strange at first, given Cuba’s knowledge that the Peace Corps was used for everything from trying to instill pro-US attitudes in otherwise hostile people in developing countries to outright spying for the CIA.

But as a Cuban friend pointed out to me decades ago when I was uneasy about the opening of Cuba to tourism, “In order to influence people you have to risk being influenced.” In any case, the trip was allowed to take place.

Lemkau tells us she was lured as much by “the prospect of spending a week in the company of other former Peace Corps volunteers” as the chance to learn about Cuba’s health care system, having spent two years of Peace Corps service in Nicaragua during the early 1970s – augmented by half a dozen trips to Central and South America over the subsequent decades.

(Which one has to wonder about, since that would presumably cover the years of the US-backed Dirty Wars and Death Squads in that region, which tortured, mutilated, disappeared and/or slaughtered hundreds of thousands of Central and South Americans. Lemkau doesn’t tell us what she thought of all this, whether she took a stand against it, ignored it, or was a part of it. One would of course hope for the former.)

At the time of her trip to the island, she was a psychologist and professor of family medicine. “But of Cuba,” she tells us candidly, “I knew little more than that it was a Caribbean island that had been taken over by a revolutionary Fidel Castro when I was still learning fractions in grade school.”

Although she was a professor and researcher, she didn’t find time to read the many books and articles recommended as preparation for the trip. As a result, “I was an empty slate ready to be written upon by the raw experience of Cuba”.

This would explain a lot of the seemingly contradictory expectations, analyses, conclusions and behaviors which abound in the book. Without this background, it would be hard to understand how someone could be simultaneously so experienced and naive, so much against what the US government policies and practices have done and are doing to the Cuban people, yet still so suspicious of a “communist government”.

The result is that in every chapter you see her respect for what the Cuban Revolution has accomplished scrambled with remarks and attitudes that reflect her biases. Perhaps this strange mixture is possible because overriding all this is her sincere affection and concern for the people she met.

Lemkau’s first trip to Cuba-(incidentally this occurred at the time my son, whom I raised in Cuba while I was working there as a foreign correspondent, was completing his medical school education) included “seven days of hospital and home visits, meetings with health professionals and state officials, city tours and private explorations” during which she says she “tried to bring Cuba into focus”.

Not an easy task, given the combination of her lack of information and deep-rooted biases. Yet with a refreshing honesty, she admits: “but it seemed as if I were looking through a pair of glasses with the wrong prescription. Drawing any conclusions proved to be difficult; the mix of the foreign and the familiar was too baffling.”

Her experience in other parts of Latin America gave her a good basis for comparison. She noted similarities between Havana and other Latin American capital cities, “but the misery was missing. I saw no tar paper shacks with squalid dirt floors, no children sleeping in cardboard boxes in the streets, no emaciated babies with sad eyes, no walls topped with barbed wire and shards of broken glass to protect palatial homes.”

But it didn’t prepare her for the contradictions, both real and imagined, such as “Well-stocked “dollar” stores mixed with sparsely-supplied bodegas. Images of Che Guevara interspersed with likenesses of Abraham Lincoln…”

“[…] Puzzling contradictions pervaded my view of the health system too: dilapidated hospitals but superb health statistics, universal access to medical care but serious shortages in medicines, paltry salaries but enthusiastic physicians-all within a cultural motif that, at least on the surface, emphasized the collective: “!La revolución somos todos!” [We are the Revolution]”

I couldn’t help but recall the popular Cuban joke that describes the US’ inability to effectively spy on its Caribbean nation and understand it. According to the story, the US President (Ronald Reagan, when I first heard it) sent someone to go to Cuba to make an assessment of its current situation-presumably so the US could decide on its next plan of action.

The spy was given lots of money, highly sophisticated technology, everything he would need. And after some time wandering around Cuba, he returned to Washington to make his report. “Well, what are your conclusions?” the President asked him. “Sir, I’m sorry to say I don’t have any conclusions” the spy admitted. The outraged president stormed: “We gave you all the time, money and equipment you could possibly need! How could you possibly come back here and say you don’t have any information?!”

The spy, still hanging his head, explained: “Well, you see, sir, it’s like this:

In Cuba, there is no unemployment. There’s no unemployment, but nobody works. Nobody works, but everyone meets their production quota. Production quotas are all filled, but there’s nothing in the stores. The stores are empty, but everyone is happy. Everyone is happy, but everyone complains. Everyone complains, but they all go to the Plaza to cheer the Revolution.

“So you see, I have lots of information-just no conclusions.”

This seems similar to the situation Lemkau was in. In the best of circumstances, a casual visitor-even one who spends considerable time in Cuba-can see and hear many things (a lot of them contradictory), but has little way to make heads or tails of what she/he is seeing and what she is told.

Moreover, if the researcher does not have the support of the relevant authorities in the field she wants to study, she/he won’t have access to much of the first-hand data and will have to rely on second-hand reports, apocryphal stories and anecdotes. That almost guarantees that some of the information subsequently will be flawed or misleading, not through any intention of the author. What is amazing about this book, then, is not how much she got wrong (here and there) but how much she got right.

And all this in the midst of undergoing life-altering changes in her perspectives, priorities and career.

Lemkau wanted to learn about Cuba’s much-touted healthcare system and followed up a group visit with several extended stays. Unfortunately, she did not have the kind of background, credentials or contacts that would make the people in the international section of the Health Ministry [MINSAP] willing to risk opening doors for her to see everything first hand.

Cubans have been burned so many times by people who claimed to be friendly, open-minded and objective and turned out to be writing supermarket tabloid type hit-pieces against the revolution that many are now reluctant to trust foreign reporters and researchers.

Lemkau had good intentions. She just had no way to prove it. So she got the classic stall: no one ever told her she couldn’t do her research. She just never got the green light to go ahead and do it.

In those circumstances, she chose to just go ahead and see what she could see.

To be fair to Lemkau, I should acknowledge that officials in MINSAP have too often opted out this way – perhaps typical of people in their position. I found this all-too-familiar description in a Sue Grafton mystery novel: “He stared at me with that blank look all petty bureaucrats assume when they calculate the probabilities of getting fired if they say yes.”

To be fair to the officials who never approved her research, I should explain that Lemkau unknowingly had already done a number of things “wrong” from their viewpoint by the time she contacted MINSAP. She was in Cuba, to begin with, on the wrong kind of visa. You are not allowed to do research or reporting on a tourist visa (just as you are not allowed to work in the US while on a tourist visa).

You are supposed to prepare a resume, a letter explaining your project, and send that to the appropriate ministry in Cuba via the Cuban Embassy or, in the case of the United States, the Cuban Interests Section in Washington. Ideally, if possible, you would accompany those with letters of recommendation from other people in your field already known to the Cubans. And then you wait. And wait. And wait.

It definitely helps if you have someone on the island who is already interested in your research and can make sure that the appropriate ministry, agency, university of even the Friendship Institute or Church council lets the Cuban Interests Section know they will take responsibility for hosting you and helping you organize your research.

Lacking this-as Lemkau did-it’s hit or miss.

Second, in addition to being sponsored and having the proper visa, you are supposed to follow all other Cuban laws, rules and regulations. That includes housing. You don’t have to live in a hotel-you can live in a guest house (many ministries and agencies have these, including Public Health, Education, ICAP, the Association of Small Farmers, church groups like the Martin Luther King Center, Casa de Carino and others).

Or you can rent a room from a private homeowner who is legally licensed to do so-which means they pay their monthly fee and make sure your documents are presented to immigration authorities.

Lemkau, probably for lack of information, missed doing the right thing. From her description, time after time she ended up being housed, fed and guided by people who were living outside the law, although she apparently didn’t realize it at first.

Sometimes, the people who took her under their wing were good, honest people who were working to improve people’s lives within the revolution, and wanted the world to know about all the good things they were achieving despite incredible obstacles and hardships. Other times, they were outright hustlers, and more experienced readers will wonder why she didn’t realize it sooner.

All of this combined to deprive Lemkau-and subsequently her readers-of much of the information she would have gotten if she had won the trust of the MINSAP officials who would not only have guaranteed her more access to health care facilities and information, but could have corrected some of the misinformation she was given.
But despite that, Lemkau was able to observe a great deal, and if sometimes she too-willingly believed some spins and distortions, her own generally good instincts allowed her to also come away with much that is positive.

Her perception of Cuba’s health care system hits the nail on the head from the outset, as she observes: “Although flawed and struggling, the Cuban model of health care, based on the radical notion of health as a fundamental human right, offered an alternative vision of the possible, beyond the provision of medical care based on wallet biopsy and insurance coverage with which I was more familiar.”

As a US citizen, she encountered the obstacles set by her own government which still apply to most citizens and residents of the United States, and is therefore worth quoting extensively.
Returning to Cuba was no trivial matter.

As part of the general ban on commercial transactions with the country, citizens of the United States are forbidden by their government from travelling there; although technically, spending money and not travel itself is forbidden.

The travel ban, a key component of the trade embargo that has governed U.S.-Cuba relations for half a century, was designed to squeeze the Cuban economy and provoke the collapse of the Castro regime. Two Castros and eleven American presidents later, the embargo still stands.

Exceptions to the travel ban for educational, journalistic, and humanitarian reasons have been variously allowed under different administrations, typically requiring advanced application and “specific license,” a document issued to the approved traveler prior to departure. In contrast, research travel is covered by “general license,” and requires no advanced application.

For general license, one must comply with the requirements of the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) of the U.S. Department of the Treasury. The traveler must be a full-time professional whose travel transactions are directly related to non-commercial research, with a full work schedule in Cuba and substantial likelihood of public dissemination of findings.

Under an obscure 1918 regulation that forbids “Trading with the Enemy,” anyone who returns from Cuba without a specific license can be charged and fined unless they can demonstrate to immigration officials their eligibility for general license. The intimidating, after-the-fact nature of this assessment has deterred many a prospective traveler.
************

Lemkau didn’t tape her interviews or even take notes during the time of her conversations, preferring to write from memory afterwards to make her friends and acquaintances feel more comfortable. This also leads to two potential problems: did she understand correctly? Did she remember correctly?

The author gives you the flavor and her perception of what was going on. It may not all be factually correct, but it makes for interesting and informative reading. At one point she writes that her Cuban host told her he had received a new refrigerator as a reward for having participated in the many demonstrations demanding that Elian Gonzalez be reunited with his father.

Certainly, that is the impression she came away with.[“a small Soviet refrigerator that Norberto had earned by participating in State-sponsored demonstrations for the return of Elian Gonzalez, when the six year old had washed up on Florida shores” she reported somewhat inaccurately.]

Is that what her host said? If so, he was giving her inaccurate information. The Cuban government was not handing out refrigerators or other domestic appliances to the hundreds of thousands (eventually millions) of people who took part in the marches and rallies for Elian.

Nor would it have needed to. People were genuinely outraged at the idea of a small boy who had lost his mother at sea being kept from his father – with whom he had a close, loving relationship – because rightwing idealogues in Miami and Washington wanted to keep him there for political reasons.

It is certainly true that for other events – May 1 International Workers Day, for example, or historic events like the 26th of July – some people may turn out because it is expected of them; because they want to make a good impression at their workplace, in their neighborhood, their school; or simply because it’s a change from the routine.

But with Elian, there was a deeper, emotional aspect that people throughout the country shared. (80% of Americans polled also felt that the boy and his father belonged together, regardless of the politics, it shoud be noted).

Does that mean that Lemkau, or her host, were lying? No, more likely it was a misinterpretation.(Remember, her Spanish was spotty and she wrote her notes later, summarizing what she had heard and seen). Or her host, Norberto, may have told her that , assuming she knew how the process worked.

He may or may not have explained at greater length that workers received “bonuses” at their workplaces for being overall good workers, fulfilling and overfulfilling production quotas, doing voluntary work, helping others, performing civic duties ranging from neighborhood cleanup to taking part in demonstrations. But what she took away from this conversation was that he got the refrigerator for demonstrating.

(The fact that she missed the larger explanation is evident in another section of the book when she assumes the many consumer items found in another apartment were an indication that the family received help from relatives abroad, not realizing that an alternative possibility was that they had earned them at their workplaces).

If not having enough in-depth information led Lemkau to misinterpret or simply miss points from time to time, the biases she brought with her caused her to reach other dubious conclusions or to too-hastily accept what others told her. We see this when she accepts and reports as fact the suspicions of some of the people at the Catholic Church’s leprosy sanatorium regarding government spying on them.

Is it possible that some of their suspicions were correct, that some of the people they pointed out were in fact government security agents? Of course. What’s more debatable is whether she should have reported all their fears and conjectures as absolute fact.

But the rest of Lemkau’s book more than makes up for these occasional misinterpretations or acceptance of statements that may not have been wholly true (especially given that she was generally surrounded by people living on the “outside” of the revolutionary process).

Her getting to ride through Pinar del Rio on horseback, talking with people in the countryside, may not have achieved the specific goals she was seeking, but they give us a wonderful view of a part of daily life few people get to see.

And since she complemented her experience with that of her husband, who along with the rest of the group was able to see what she missed by going off on her own – the reader gets the best of both experiences.

“He had toured the school attended by Rosa’s children…he had seen state of the art solar panels providing energy for basic school equipment – a television, a computer and lights, ‘green’ technology being used throughout the country, even in one-room school houses with fewer than a half-dozen students….

“We had each enjoyed our separate excursions, his within the guidelines of the tour group, mine in collusion with Silvio the rule bender….the thrill of riding horseback among the mogotes, the lovely openness of Rosa and her family… a landscape of unforgettable splendor. Clearly life outside the rules – por la izquierda – had its rewards.”

Although I often flinched at how far -and how unknowingly – Lemkau was treading outside the rules, her candid description of this, and her reactions when she found out, provide an interesting counterpoint to the attitude of many visitors to Cuba who prefer staying out of hotels and registered bed-and-breakfasts, away from government-sponsored tours.

It was only at the end of her adventures in Pinar del Rio that Lemkau asked Silvio, who organized her away-from-the-group activities, about the “financial and legal logistics”.

He told her that he was driving her around illegally and was regularly fined by the “policia” for “consorting with tourists”. But he shrugged that off saying the fines were more than offset by what he was paid.

She then learned that the man who rented her the horse, and her guide, and the people she visited were all paid – illegally – by Silvio – who kept a portion of what she paid each. Even Rosa, who fed her lunch, had been paid illegally or as Silvio put it “por la izquierda”, a common way for Cubans to refer to doing something we might call “under the table”. Lemkau humorously commented: “To use the expression ‘by the left’ to refer to clandestine and forbidden activities struck me as perversely funny in a country already leaning so far left as to topple over.”

But later at the private but registered “casa particular” where she and her husband stayed , she learned more, when her hostess “said there was something she needed to discuss with us…..”

She requested that Jeanne and her husband tell Silvio they’d arrived a day later and paid half of what she was declaring, because he was also “the inspector for her rental and what she had to pay him depended on her income. Cheche cooked the books,” she concluded.

Which is something to keep in mind when we read of private renters, owners of private restaurants, and others who work for “cuenta propia” complaining about taxes, inspections, and other “government harassment”.

Encountering lepers and the Catholic Church

For me the weakest pat of the book were the chapters where Lemkau was recounting of her experience with (and through the eyes of) the Catholic nuns who care for lepers in a small sanatorium outside of Havana and the famous (or infamous) Dia de San Lazaro when religious zealots walk, hobble, crawl (sometimes whipping themselves) to the shrine of Saint Lazarus in the hope of some miracle cure for themselves or loved-ones.

The writer seemed to take in stride some of the behaviors that made me shrink back in horror, and the acceptance of them by the priests and nuns. Moreover, because her experience did not lead Lemkau to question anything the priest and nuns told her, she reported it all as fact.

So these last few chapters are filled with questionable or inaccurate (to me) information and attitudes, and a good dose of paranoia — somewhat lessening the positive aspects of describing an event that, although heavily reported in US media, may still be unknown to some readers.

Lemkau somewhat tempers this with her admission that “my apprehensions about state surveillance in Cuba and OFAC prosecution in the United States [she lumps these together] were proxies for other fears, fears of gambling the safety of my nailed down life for something more.” Would that others who find themselves highly critical of some aspects of life in Cuba could be so self-analytical and perceptive.

******

If not all the details of what is lacking in Cuba always coincided completely with life as I knew it there, the overall conclusion – that the US blockade is hurting the people of the island tremendously, and should be ended – certainly does. It’s a conclusion that almost everyone who gets to know the people on the island arrives at, whatever their views of socialism, communism or Fidel Castro.

Hopefully, readers can glean some of this feeling themselves by reading Jeanne Lemkau’s book -something I highly recommend — and will be motivated to join her and the Latin American Working Group to overturn an archaic policy that after 5 decades continues to hurt the people of that island.

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

Arturo Toscanini, 1944, “The Internationale”
| March 13, 2011 | 9:25 pm | Action | Comments closed

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2OPvWFDzDlA

In 1944, to honor the Allied victory in Italy, the great Arturo Toscanini–a refugee from Fascism in his home country–decided to conduct a performance of Verdi’s “Hymn of the Nations”. “Hymn” is a composition that Verdi orginaly built around the national anthems of Britain, France, and Italy. In order to honor all four of the major Allies, Toscanini decided to add “The Star Spangled Banner” for the U.S. and “The Internationale” for the Soviet Union. The music was performed by the NBC Symphony Orchestra, with the Westminister Choir and the great tenor Jan Peerce as soloist; conducted by Toscanini. It was filmed as a featurette to be shown in movie theaters, and was narrated by Burgess Meredith.

In the early 50’s, at the height of the Red Scare, U.S. censors removed the portion of this performance that featured the “Internationale”.

For years this sequence in the original featurette was considered forever lost. But recently it was rediscovered in Alaska and now this rousing rendition of the Internationale–together with chorale and orchestra under the direction of a legendary conductor–can now be enjoyed again.

As you listen to this song, remember that there have been times and places when singing this song could get you immediately arrested and or killed or “dissappeared”. Germany under the Nazis, the U.S. in the 1950’s, Chile in September 1973…people suffered and died over this song. Let us remember those who have suffered for Socialism and carry with us the knowledge in our hearts that the great truths of Socialism shall triumph someday.

Texans march to support public education
| March 12, 2011 | 11:24 pm | Action | Comments closed

By Raskonikov Radek

AUSTIN – Today I went to the march in Austin to support public education. Though it is not certain how many people there were, estimates have it that about 11,000 people showed up. There were many different progressive organizations there, as well as teacher’s unions. There was a very large number of ultra-Leftists who were entirely isolated from the people. They had red flags and signs that said “join the socialists”, and were trying to dominate the march. Most of the teachers unions and other progressive groups were trying to avoid the ultra-Leftists; I heard one say “I am trying to create a buffer between the socialists and us”.

The strategy of the ultra-Left is extremely harmful to the movement for working class unity. By isolating themselves from the working class, the ultra-Leftists obstruct the revolutionary process. A comrade from the Houston Communist Party was there, with a very modest sign, which said “stop the budget cuts! stop the attacks on working people! put people before profits!”; many of the working people at the demonstration said how much they liked his sign and did not show any animosity towards him.

The ultra-Left was largely looked down upon and ignored; the only people that gave them any attention were the Tea Party thugs, with whom they tried to argue. It is crucial today that communists do not separate themselves from the working class like ultra-Left groups. The working class today largely supports the Democrats; it is only by working on their level of political consciousness that communists will actually reach them. As long as one is guided by the end goal of Socialism and revolution, one does not become a revisionist if one puts down the red flag and instead carries a sign with a less radical slogan.

The role of communists today should be to ally themselves with the organizers of these kinds of demonstrations and try to steer the demonstration in a more progressive way without isolating themselves from the masses. As long as they try to tie each of their actions to the working class and to the larger movement of socialist revolution, there is nothing reformist about it. The ultra-left, who refuses to work with other less radical organizations, will show up at these demonstrations, fully exposing themselves and trying to organize the demonstrations outside of the demonstration itself. This will fail, as most people have no understanding of socialism and generally have inherited many negative bourgeois prejudices against socialism. Thus, only if one works within the organizations that organize these events can one assist our class assume the role of the ruling class.

John Reed’s speech to the Baku Congress
| March 12, 2011 | 10:58 pm | Action | Comments closed

Baku Congress of the Peoples of the East

Appendix to the report of the Fourth Session
John Reed’s speech:

I represent here the revolutionary workers of one of the great imperialist powers, the United States of America, which exploits and oppresses the peoples of the colonies.

You, the peoples of the East, the peoples of Asia, have not yet experienced for yourselves the rule of America. You know and hate the British, French and Italian imperialists, and probably you think that ‘free America’ will govern better, will liberate the peoples of the colonies, will feed and defend them.

No. The workers and peasants of the Philippines, the peoples of Central America and the islands of the Caribbean, they know what it means to live under the rule of ‘free America’.

Take, for example, the peoples of the Philippines. In 1898 the Filipinos rebelled against the cruel colonial government of Spain, and the Americans helped them. But after the Spaniards had been driven out the Americans did not want to go away.

Then the Filipinos rose against the Americans, and this time the ‘liberators’ started to kill them, their wives and children: they tortured them and eventually conquered them. They seized their land and forced them to work and make profits for American capitalists.

The Americans have promised the Filipinos independence. Soon an independent Filipino republic will be proclaimed. But this does not mean that the American capitalists will leave or that the Filipinos will not continue to work to make profits for them. The American capitalists have given the Filipino leaders a share of their profits — they have given them government jobs, land and money — they have created a Filipino capitalist class which also lives on the profits created by the workers — and in whose interest it is to keep the Filipinos in slavery.

This has also happened in Cuba, which was freed from Spanish rule with the help of the Americans. It is now an independent Republic. But American millionaire trusts own all the sugar plantations, apart from some small tracts which they have let the Cuban capitalists have: the latter also administer the country. And the moment that the workers of Cuba try to elect a government which is not in the interests of the American capitalists, the United States of America sends soldiers into Cuba to compel the people to vote for their oppressors.

Or let us take the example of the republics of Haiti and San Domingo, where the peoples won freedom a century ago. Since this island was fertile and the people living on it could be put to use by the American capitalists, the government of the US sent soldiers and sailors there on the pretext of maintaining order and smashed these two republics, setting up in their place a military dictatorship worse than the British tyrants.

Mexico is another rich country which is close to the USA. In Mexico live a backward people who were enslaved for centuries, first by the Spaniards and then by foreign capitalists. There, after many years of civil war, the people formed their own government, not a proletarian government but a democratic one, which wanted to keep the wealth of Mexico for the Mexicans and tax the foreign capitalists. The American capitalists did not concern themselves with sending bread to the hungry Mexicans. No, they initiated a counter-revolution in Mexico, in which Madero, the first revolutionary President, was killed. Then, after a three-year struggle, the revolutionary regime was restored, with Carran a as President. The American capitalists made another counter-revolution and killed Carranza, establishing once more a government friendly to themselves.

In North America itself there are ten million Negroes who possess neither political or civil rights, despite the fact that by law they are equal citizens. With the purpose of distracting the attention of the American workers from the capitalists, their exploiters, the latter stir up hatred against the Negroes, provoking war between the white and black races. The Negroes, whom they lawlessly burn alive, are beginning to see that their only hope lies in armed resistance to the white bandits.

At the present time the American capitalists are addressing friendly words to the peoples of the East, with a promise of aid and food. This applies especially to Armenia. Millions of dollars have been collected by the American millionaires in order to send bread to the starving Armenians. And many Armenians are now looking for help to Uncle Sam.

These same American capitalists incite the American workers and farmers against each other: they starve and exploit the peoples of Cuba and the Philippines, they savagely kill and burn alive American Negroes, and in America itself American workers are obliged to work under frightful conditions, receiving low wages for a long work-day. When they are exhausted they are thrown out on to the street, where they die of hunger.

The same gentleman who is now in charge of bringing aid to the starving Armenians, Mr. Cleveland Dodge who writes emotional articles about how the Turks have driven the Armenians into the desert, is the owner of big copper mines where thousands of American workers are exploited, and when these workers dared to go on strike the guards protecting Mr. Dodge’s mines drove them at the point of the bayonet out into the desert — just as was done to the Armenians.

Many Armenians are grateful to America for its attitude to the Armenians who suffered from the brutality of the Turks during the war. But what has America done for the Armenians apart from issuing wordy declarations? Nothing. I was in Constantinople at that time, in 1915, and I know that the missionaries refused to make any serious protest against the atrocities, saying that they had a lot of property in Turkey and so did not want to bring pressure to bear on the Turks. The American ambassador, Mr. Strauss, himself a millionaire who exploited thousands of workers in his enterprises in America, proposed that the entire Armenian people be shipped to America, and himself donated quite a large sum for this project to be carried out; but his plan was to make the Armenians work in American factories and provide cheap labour so as to increase the profits of Mr. Strauss and his friends.

But why do the American capitalists promise aid and food to Armenia? Is it out of pure philanthropy? If so, let them feed the peoples of Central America and help the Negroes of America itself.

No. The main reason is that there is mineral wealth in Armenia, and that it is a big reservoir of cheap labour which can be exploited by American capitalists.

The American capitalists want to win the confidence of the Armenians with a view to getting their claws into Armenia and enslaving the Armenian nation. It is with this aim that American missionaries have established schools in the Near East.

But there is also another very important reason: the American capitalists, together with the other capitalist nations, united in the League of Nations, are afraid that the workers and peasants of Armenia will follow the example of Soviet Russia and Soviet Azerbaidzhan, will take power and their country’s resources into their own hands, and will work for themselves, making a united front with the workers and peasants of the whole world against world imperialism. The American capitalists are afraid of a revolution in the East.

Promising food to starving peoples and at the same time organising a blockade of the Soviet Republics — that is the policy of the United States. The blockade of Soviet Russia has starved to death thousands of Russian women and children. This same method of blockade was applied in order to turn the Hungarian people against their Soviet Government. The same tactic is now being used in order to draw the people of White Hungary into war against Soviet Russia. This method is also being used in the small countries bordering on Russia-Finland, Estonia, Latvia. But now all these small countries have been obliged to make peace with Soviet Russia: they are bankrupt and starving. Now the American Government no longer offers them food; they are no longer of any use to America, and so their peoples can starve.

The American capitalists promise bread to Armenia. This is an old trick. They promise bread but they never give it. Did Hungary get bread after the fall of the Soviet Government? No. The Hungarian people are still starving today. Did the Baltic countries get bread? No. At a time when the starving Estonians had nothing but potatoes, the American capitalists sent them ships laden with rotten potatoes which could not be sold at a profit in America. No, comrades, Uncle Sam is not one ever to give anybody something for nothing. He comes along with a sack stuffed with straw in one hand and a whip in the other. Whoever takes Uncle Sam’s promises at their face value will find himself obliged to pay for them with blood and sweat. The American workers are demanding an ever larger share of the product of their labour; with a view to preventing revolution at home, the American capitalists are forced to seek out colonial peoples to exploit, peoples who will furnish sufficient profit to keep the American workers in obedience and so make them participants in the exploitation of the Armenians. I represent thousands of revolutionary American workers who know this, and who understand that, acting together with the Armenian workers and peasants, with the toiling masses of the whole world, they will overthrow capitalism. World capitalism will be destroyed, and all the peoples will be free. We appreciate the need for solidarity between all the oppressed and toiling peoples, for unity of the revolutionary workers of all the countries of Europe and America under the leadership of the Russian Bolsheviks, in the Communist International. And we say to you, peoples of the East: Do not believe the promises of the American capitalists!

There is only one road to freedom. Unite with the Russian workers and peasants who have overthrown their capitalists and whose Red Army has beaten the foreign imperialists! Follow the red star of the Communist International!

Cuba’s UNHRC statement on Libya
| March 3, 2011 | 10:37 pm | Action | Comments closed

GRANMA INTERNATIONAL

Havana. March 2, 2011

Cuba categorically rejects any attempt whatsoever to take advantage of the tragic situation created in order to occupy Libya and control its oil

http://www.granma.cu/ingles/news-i/2marzo-Cuba%20categorically.html

• Statement by Cuba’s Minister of Foreign Affairs to the UN Human Rights Council, Geneva, March 1, 2011

Mr. President:

Humanity’s conscience is repulsed by the deaths of innocent people under any circumstances, anyplace. Cuba fully shares the worldwide concern for the loss of civilian lives in Libya and hopes that its people are able to reach a peaceful and sovereign solution to the civil war occurring there, with no foreign interference, and can guarantee the integrity of that nation.

Most certainly the Libyan people oppose any foreign military intervention, which would delay an agreement even further and cause thousands of deaths, displacement and enormous injury to the population.

Cuba categorically rejects any attempt whatsoever to take advantage of the tragic situation created in order to occupy Libya and control its oil.

It is noteworthy that the voracity for oil, not peace or the protection of Libyan lives, is the motivation inciting the political forces, primarily conservative, which today, in the United States and some European countries, are calling for a NATO military intervention in Libyan territory. Nor does it appear that objectivity, accuracy or a commitment to the truth are prevailing in part of the press, reports being used by media giants to fan the flames.

Given the magnitude of what is taking place in Libya and the Arab world, in the context of a global economic crisis, responsibility and a long-term vision should prevail on the part of governments in the developed countries. Although the goodwill of some could be exploited, it is clear that a military intervention would lead to a war with serious consequences for human lives, especially the millions of poor who comprise four fifths of humanity.

Despite the paucity of some facts and information, the reality is that the origins of the situation in North Africa and the Middle East are to be found within the crisis of the rapacious policy imposed by the United States and its NATO allies in the region. The price of food has tripled, water is scarce, the desert is growing, poverty is on the rise and with it, repugnant social inequality and exclusion in the distribution of the opulent wealth garnered from oil in the region.

The fundamental human right is the right to life, which is not worth living without human dignity.

The way in which the right to life is being violated should arouse concern. According to various sources, more than 111 million people have perished in armed conflicts during modern wars. It cannot be forgotten in this room that, if in World War I civilian deaths amounted to 5% of total casualties, in the subsequent wars of conquest after 1990, basically in Iraq, with more than one million, and Afghanistan with more than 70,000, the deaths of innocents stand at 90%. The proportion of children in these figures is horrific and unprecedented.

The concept of “collateral damage,” an offense to human nature, has been accepted in the military doctrine of NATO and the very powerful nations.

In the last decade, humanitarian international law has been trampled, as is occurring on the U.S. Guantánamo Naval Base, which usurps Cuban territory.

As a consequence of those wars, global refugee figures have increased by 34%, to more than 26 million people.

Military spending increased by 49% in the decade, to reach $1.5 trillion, more than half of that figure in the United States alone. The industrial-military complex continues producing wars.

Every year, 740,000 human beings die, not only on account of conflicts, but as victims of violent acts associated with organized crime.

In one European country, a woman dies every five days as a result of domestic violence. In the countries of the South, half a million mothers die in childbirth every year.

Every day, 29,000 children die of hunger and preventable diseases. In the minutes that I have been speaking, no less than 120 children have died. Four million perish in their first month of life. In total, 11 million children die every year.

There are 100,000 deaths a day from causes related to malnutrition, adding up to 35 million a year.

In Hurricane Katrina alone, in the most developed country in the world, 1,836 people died, almost all of them African Americans of few resources. In the last two years, 470,000 people died throughout the world as a result of natural disasters, 97% of them of low income.

In the January 2010 earthquake in Haiti alone, more than 250,000 people died, almost all of them resident in very poor homes. The same thing occurred with homes swept away by excessive rainfall in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo in Brazil.

If the developing countries had infant and maternal mortality rates like those of Cuba, 8.4 million children and 500,000 mothers would be saved annually. In the cholera epidemic in Haiti, Cuban doctors are treating almost half of the patients, with a mortality rate five times lower than those being treated by physicians from other countries. Cuban international medical cooperation has made it possible to save more than 4.4 million lives in dozens of countries in four continents.

Human dignity is a human right. Today, 1.4 billion people are living in extreme poverty. There are 1.2 billion hungry people, and a further two billion are suffering from malnutrition. There are 759 million illiterate adults.

Mr. President:

The Council has demonstrated its capacity for approaching human rights situations in the world, including those of an urgent nature which require attention and action on the part of the international community. The usefulness of the Universal Periodic Review, as a means of sustaining international cooperation, of evaluating the undertakings of all countries without distinction in this context has been confirmed.

The spirit which animated our actions during the review process of this body was to preserve, improve and strengthen this Council in its function of effectively promoting and protecting all human rights for everyone.

The results of this exercise express a recognition of the Council’s important achievements in its short existence. While it is true that the agreements reached are insufficient in the light of the demands of developing countries, the body has been preserved from those whose aim was to reform it to their convenience in order to satisfy hegemonic appetites and to resuscitate the past of confrontation, double standards, selectivity and imposition.

It is to be hoped from the debates of the last few days that this Human Rights Council will continue constructing and advancing its institutionalism toward the full exercise of its mandate.

It would be very negative if, on the pretext of reviewing the Council’s institutional construction and in abuse of the dramatic juncture which is being discussed, it should be manipulated and pressured in an opportunist way in order to establish precedents and modify agreements.

If the essential human right is the right to life, will the Council be ready to suspend the membership of states that unleash a war?

Is the Council proposing to make some substantial contribution to eliminating the principal threat to the life of the human species which is the existence of enormous arsenals of nuclear weapons, an infinitesimal part of which, or the explosion of 100 warheads, would provoke a nuclear winter, according to irrefutable scientific evidence?

Will it establish a thematic procedure on the impact of climate change in the exercise of human rights and proclaim the right to a healthy atmosphere?

Will it suspend states which finance and supply military aid utilized by recipient states for mass, flagrant and systematic violations of human rights and for attacks on the civilian population, like those taking place in Palestine?

Will it apply that measure against powerful countries which are perpetrating extra-judicial executions in the territory of other states with the use of high technology, such as smart bombs and drone aircraft?

What will happen to states which accept secret illegal prisons in their territories, facilitate the transit of secret flights with kidnapped persons aboard, or participate in acts of torture?

Can the Council adopt a declaration on the right of peoples to peace?

Will it adopt an action program that includes concrete commitments guaranteeing the right to alimentation in a moment of food crisis, spiraling food prices and the utilization of cereal crops to produce biofuels?

Mr. President:

Distinguished Ministers and Delegates:

What measures will this Council adopt against a member state which is committing acts that are causing grave suffering and seriously endangering physical or mental integrity, such as the blockade of Cuba, typified as genocide in Article 2, Paragraphs B and C, of the 1948 Geneva Convention?

Thank you very much.

Translated by Granma International

Cuba: Interventionism in Libya is unacceptable
| March 2, 2011 | 8:21 pm | Action | Comments closed

HAVANA, Cuba, Feb 25 (acn) Cuba stated on Friday in Geneva that
interventionism in Libya is
unacceptable and opposed the exclusion of that Arab nation as a member of
the Human Rights
Council, the intergovernmental organ that is part of the United Nations
system.

Rodolfo Reyes, Cuba’s permanent representative at the organization,
spoke in one of the
sessions to analyze the issue, and recalled that less than 72 hours before
Cuban Foreign
Minster Bruno Rodriguez had expressed that some politicians and media
outlets incite to
violence, military aggression and foreign intervention in Libya.

Feelings are running high everywhere and I’m afraid that could lead to
serious
international and internal mistakes, warned the minister, cited by Reyes,
the National
Television Newscast reported on Friday.

We wish the Libyan people to achieve a speedy peaceful and sovereign
solution to the
situation created there, without any kind of interference or foreign
intervention, which
guarantees the integrity of the Libyan nation, said Rodriguez in his
speech, read then in
Brussels.

The ambassador stressed that the concerns that declaration reflected
became a reality and
that that State is amid a civil war, within the context of a world
economic crisis of great
dimensions, which plunges the peoples of that region and the world into
despair.

We’re all concerned about the loss of human lives and the damages
caused to the civilian
population due to the current conflict in that Arab nation, asserted the
diplomat, whose
statements were also published by the www.cubadebate.cu Web site.

He warned that the risk of taking advantage, in an opportunistic way,
of the tragic
situation to satisfy interventionist appetites, take sovereignty away from
the Libyan people
and seize its resources, can’t be accepted.

Some are already talking about a humanitarian military intervention,
which we oppose,
because, instead of solving the situation, it would complicate it even
more and could lead to
other serious implications, he said sententiously.

Reyes declared himself to be against some elements included in the
approved resolution,
which constitute what he described as “a disastrous precedent” for
cooperation in terms of
human rights, which the work of the Council should be based on.

He recalled that, from the start, when we were creating this new
Council, Cuba opposed the
clause on the suspension of a State’s membership.

In this regard, he pointed out that its inclusion in Resolution 60/251
set a negative
precedent that burdened the new organ with an additive that is
unparalleled in any other
organ of the United Nations.

Immediately afterwards, he asserted that it had never been cited until
today, but that its
use on this occasion will open the door to those seeking to legitimize
this mechanism, with
the purpose of using it selectively against countries disagreeing their
patterns.

Cuba, consequently, disassociates itself from the paragraph of the
approved resolution, he
stated.

Lastly, Reyes expressed that the island calls on calm and reiterates
its confidence in the
capacity of the Libyan people to solve their internal affairs, without any
foreign
interference, and to preserve the country’s peace, stability and sovereignty.

This is the first time that the suspension of a member of the of the
Human Rights
Commission, to which Libya belongs since May, 2010, is recommended, the
Telesur television
network reported.

The final decision in this regard will be made at the UN General
Assembly, the next meting
of which has been scheduled for March 1st in New York, specified the state
television network.