Category: Communist Party Soviet Union (CPSU)
Dimitris Koutsoumbas: We draw conclusions, we become stronger – ДИМИТРИС КУЦУМБАС (КПГ): ИЗВЛЕКАЕМ УРОКИ, СТАНОВИМСЯ СИЛЬНЕЕ

Saturday, December 30, 2017

Dimitris Koutsoumbas: We draw conclusions, we become stronger – ДИМИТРИС КУЦУМБАС (КПГ): ИЗВЛЕКАЕМ УРОКИ, СТАНОВИМСЯ СИЛЬНЕЕ

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/12/dimitris-koutsoumbas-we-draw.html
It is with particular joy that I address via the pages of the historical newspaper “Sovetskaya Rossiya” the workers of Russia, of the country where the “ice broke”, as Lenin said, where “the way has been shown” as regards the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism and the construction of the new socialist-communist society. 
The consequences of the counterrevolution and the overthrow of socialism did not cloud the eyes, mind and judgment of the communists of Greece, the KKE. Indeed on the 28th of December 1991, a few hours after the red flag was taken down from the Kremlin, Rizospastis, the journalistic organ of the CC of the KKE, wrote on its historic front page: “Comrades, hold the flag high! Hope is to be found in the struggles of the peoples”! 
In 2017, the 100th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, was marked by the multifaceted activity of our party. Our party is one of the fruits of the revolutionary flame of October. 
In our country hundreds of significant political and cultural activities in honour of the Socialist Revolution were carried out. 
At the same time, we sought through our political and ideological activity, as well as our activity inside the trade unions and other mass popular organizations, defending the just cause of the working class, the other poor strata against the anti-people political line, to highlight the need for workers’ power, which is the only real alternative to capitalist barbarity. 
The communists of Greece fought to organize the struggle of the working class against the bourgeois government of the “new” social-democracy SYRiZA, which governs for the last 3 years with the support if a rightwing party, ANEL and with the backing of the EU, NATO, USA. 
In difficult conditions of high unemployment caused by the capitalist crisis, the intensification of employer intimidation in the workplaces, government-state repression and undermining of the right to strike, the communists strived as best they could to organize major workers’ struggles, demonstrations, nationwide strikes. 
This struggle, beyond the various gains achieved by the workers in some sectors, such as in construction, in shipbuilding and repair and elsewhere, further strengthened the positions of the communists, of the class-oriented forces as a whole that struggle in the ranks of the All-workers’ Militant Front (PAME).The class-oriented forces won over new forces. Today it is the second force in the trade union movement and the best organized. 
In addition, the communists also actively mobilize amongst the poor farmers, who in 2017 had blocked the country’s highways at 100 points for 40 days, struggling against the political line of the government and EU, which is driving them to ruin. 
The same is true as regards the struggles of the petty bourgeois urban strata, the self-employed, and also the struggles of the women and youth with a working class-popular background. 
It is no accident that KNE over the last 4 years has won the second position nationally in the elections for the student unions, with over 20%. 
The communists, either in the Greek Parliament (the KKE has 15 MPs), or in the European Parliament (where we have 2 MEPs), or in the ranks of the thousands of people who have demonstrated many times for the workers’-people’s rights, as well as outside the NATO bases and command centres, with a consistent stance against imperialist wars, against Greece’s participation in them, against the transformation of our country into a launching pad for the promotion of the plans of the USA, NATO, EU in the Middle East, in Africa, in Ukraine, in the Black Sea and elsewhere. They took a position in favour of the country’s disengagement from the imperialist unions of NATO and the EU, from all imperialist alliances, something that can only be guaranteed by workers’ governance in Greece. Just as only workers’ power can put an end to the anti-worker anti-people measures, socializing the means of production, with scientific planning of the economy and workers’ control. 
The 20th Congress of our party, which was held at the end of March 2017, engaged with question of how our party will become more effective in its activity. We set the bar even higher at this Congress. We set as an immediate task the strengthening of the KKE so that our party becomes more capable as a party of social revolution to realize its historical vanguard role. A party capable of leading the struggle of the working class and the entire people for the regroupment of the labour and trade union movement, the promotion of the Social Alliance in an anti-capitalist anti-monopoly direction, against imperialist wars, for workers’ power. 
Because we know very well that the October Revolution was not an “accident of history” or a “disastrous coup” of the Bolsheviks, as the bourgeois say and write, or an “immature and premature” revolution as every kind of renegade, opportunist and adventurist says and writes. 
The October Revolution was a climactic world-historic event which signaled the beginning of an era in which the working class became the protagonist in the developments and pushed the wheel of history forwards, taking power and organizing new socialist communist relations of production, reshaping society as a whole. 
This assessment is also valid today when we see capitalism in its imperialist stage dominant globally, as whatever socialist relations survive in some countries are remnants of the first attempt to construct socialism that began in 1917 and continued in various countries throughout the 20th century. 
However, socialism continues to be as timely and necessary as ever in the history of humanity. And this, like the socialist character of the revolution in our era, does not depend on the contingent correlation of forces, but it emerges from the impasses of capitalism, the fact that the material preconditions for the passage to a new society have matured. 
Today the inter-imperialist antagonisms have sharpened even further. The major contradictions over the division of the markets, the control of the natural resources, the transport routes for energy and commodities, geopolitical control. New alliances and blocs of forces are being created, increasing the danger of military conflicts. 
In the framework of these conflicts, the international communist movement, each communist party must form its own line of battle. A line for the overthrow of the imperialist barbarity that brings economic crises, poverty, unemployment and wars or “peace” with a gun to the people’s head. And this must be done by studying historical experience, rejecting mistaken analyses of previous decades that led revolutionary forces in society to passivity, ineffectiveness and confusion. 
As the experience of October and the entire course of the revolutionary labour movement internationally demonstrated, there is no room for any cooperation-alliance with the bourgeois class as a whole or any of its sections in the name of defending bourgeois democracy, of “humanizing capitalism”, of some intermediate stage to socialism or with the argument of avoiding some “extreme pro-war forces”. 
The bourgeoisie and the bourgeois power undermine and suppress workers’ and people’s rights, achievements. In their “peaceful conditions” they prepare wars. Τhe consolidation of the anti-capitalist-antimonopoly struggle, of the struggle for socialism requires the alliance of the working class with the poor farmers and the self-employed craftsmen. 
The line of social democracy since the beginning of the previous century until today has completely failed, it has caused great damage, it led to the defeat of the revolutionary communist movement, it assimilated working masses in the capitalist exploitative system; it led militant, progressive forces in favour of social development to be disarmed. This, like the irreplaceable role of the CP emerges from our theory, which is Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. 
Socialist construction as the first immature phase of the communist society highlighted the scientific laws that the revolutionary vanguard must be aware of and not violate so as to eradicate consciously and methodically the seeds of counterrevolution. More specifically, the theory and practical implementation of “market socialism” is disastrous for socialist construction, something that happened gradually in the USSR via the opportunist sliding over a period of time beginning in 1956 and violently manifesting itself in 1991, with the complete dissolution of the USSR and CPSU. 
Historical experience has demonstrated that the problems that arose in the course of socialist construction were mistakenly interpreted as inherent weaknesses of central planning. The solution was sought in the expansion of market, which was a step backwards, instead of taking a step forward expanding and strengthening the socialist-communist relations of production. 
Today, drawing the correct conclusions from our history, we become stronger. We are better ideologically and politically equipped for the class battles that we are waging and we will wage in the future. Our weapon is proletarian internationalism, our joint struggle, our class and comradely solidarity which is necessary against national isolationism and imperialist cosmopolitanism. 
The KKE, which in 2018 will celebrate the 100th anniversary of its foundation, will follow the CPRF in hosting the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties . We will seek with the 20th International Meeting that will be held in Athens, as well as with other forms, to contribute so that the international communist movement, which today is divided and faces major difficulties, to take steps towards its revolutionary regroupment, because this is its only positive prospect. 
We wish the readers of “Sovetskaya Rossiya” health and strength for the new struggles of 2018. Our future is not capitalism, but the new world of socialist revolutions, of socialist-communist construction. 
Best wishes to all!
Published 28/12/2017.
* * * 
СТАТЬЯ ГЕНСЕКА ЦК КПГ В ГАЗЕТЕ «СОВЕТСКАЯ РОССИЯ»
ДИМИТРИС КУЦУМБАС: ИЗВЛЕКАЕМ УРОКИ, СТАНОВИМСЯ СИЛЬНЕЕ
Я с особой радостью обращаюсь со страниц исторической газеты «Советская Россия» к трудящимся России – страны, которая сломала лед, как говорил Ленин, показала дорогу революционного свержения капитализма и строительства нового, социалистического-коммунистического общества.
То, что произошло в результате контрреволюционных процессов, не затмило глаза, ум коммунистов Греции, Коммунистической партии Греции. 
Даже в день, когда спускался красный флаг над Кремлем, 28 декабря 1991 года, на первой странице «Ризоспастиса» – печатного органа ЦК КПГ, был напечатан призыв: «Товарищи, выше флаг! Надежда – в борьбе народов!» 
2017 год – год 100-летия Великой Октябрьской социалистической революции – вооружил нашу партию богатым опытом деятельности. Наша партия также является плодом революционного пламени Октября. 
В нашей стране были проведены сотни важных политических и культурных мероприятий в честь Социалистической революции.
В то же время мы старались с помощью нашей идеологической и политической деятельности, деятельности в профсоюзах и других массовых народных организациях, защищая права рабочего класса, других бедных слоев населения от антинародной политики, показать необходимость завоевания власти трудящимися, которая является единственной реальной противостоящей силой капиталистическому варварству. 
Коммунисты Греции организовали борьбу рабочего класса против «нового» социал-демократического буржуазного правительства СИРИЗА, которое находится у власти 3 года в коалиции с правой партией АНЭЛ, имея поддержку капитала, ЕС, НАТО, США. 
В сложных условиях сохраняющейся высокой безработицы, вызванной капиталистическим кризисом, когда усиливаются работодательский террор на рабочих местах, репрессии со стороны государства и правительства и ущемляются права на забастовку, коммунисты отдают все свои силы для организации борьбы трудящихся, акций протеста, забастовок во всегреческом масштабе. 
Эта борьба, помимо отдельных успехов, достигнутых трудящимися в некоторых отраслях (строительной, судостроительной и др.), еще больше укрепила позиции коммунистов, в целом классовых сил, борющихся в рядах Всегреческого боевого фронта (ПАМЕ). Классовые силы окрепли. Сегодня они являются второй силой в профсоюзном движении и самыми хорошо организованными. 
Кроме того, коммунисты также активно действуют среди бедных крестьян, которые в 2017 году в течение 40 дней перекрывали центральные автомагистрали страны в 100 точках, выступая против политики правительства и ЕС, ведущей их к разорению. 
Такую же работу ведут коммунисты, участвуя в борьбе средних слоев населения города, самозанятых, а также женщин и молодежи из рабочего класса. 
Неслучайно Коммунистическая молодежь Греции в последние 4 года занимает второе место и набирает более чем 20% во всей стране на выборах в студенческих профсоюзах. 
Коммунисты, находясь в парламенте Греции (КПГ насчитывает 15 депутатов), в Европейском парламенте (имеет 2 евродепутатов) или в рядах демонстрантов, неоднократно протестующих против ущемления прав народа, а также у стен натовских военных баз и штабов, последовательно выступали против империалистических войн, против участия Греции в них, против превращения нашей страны в плацдарм для продвижения планов США, НАТО, ЕС на Ближнем Востоке, в Африке, на Украине, в Черном море и в других регионах. Они выступают за выход страны из империалистических союзов – НАТО и ЕС, из любого другого империалистического союза, а это может гарантировать только рабочее правление в Греции. Только рабочая власть может гарантировать, что обобществление средств производства, централизованное планирование и рабочий контроль могут стать «надгробным камнем» для антирабочих, антинародных мер. 
Вопрос о том, как сделать деятельность нашей партии более результативной, также рассматривался на состоявшемся в марте 2017 года XX съезде КПГ, на котором мы подняли планку еще выше. Мы поставили перед собой задачу укрепить КПГ, чтобы наша партия как партия социального низвержения стала способной выполнить свою историческую, авангардную роль. Чтобы она была способна возглавить борьбу рабочего класса и всего народа за реорганизацию рабочего профсоюзного движения, развитие социального союза в антикапиталистическом, антимонополистическом направлении, против империалистической войны, за рабочую власть. 
Нам очень хорошо известно, что Октябрьская революция не была ни драмой истории, ни переворотом большевиков, как говорит и пишет буржуазия, не была ни незрелой, ни преждевременной, как говорят и пишут всевозможные ренегаты, оппортунисты-авантюристы.
Октябрьская революция явилась вершинным, всемирно-историческим событием, ознаменовавшим начало новой эпохи, в которой рабочий класс стал главным героем событий и повернул колесо истории, захватив власть и установив новые коммунистические производственные отношения, изменив все общество. 
Эта оценка и сегодня соответствует действительности, мы видим, что капитализм, находящийся на империалистической стадии, господствует во всем мире, так как социалистические отношения, сохраняющиеся еще в некоторых странах, являются всего лишь остатками первой попытки социалистического строительства, которое началось в 1917 году и продолжалось в различных странах на протяжении всего XX века. 
Впрочем, социализм продолжает оставаться актуальным и необходимым как никогда в истории человечества. Необходимость и актуальность социализма, социалистический характер революции не зависят от расклада сил в определенный момент, а вытекают из тупиков капиталистического способа производства, из того факта, что созрели материальные предпосылки для перехода к новому обществу. 
Сегодня обостряются межимпериалистические противоречия: большие противоречия вокруг раздела рынков, контроля над природными ресурсами, путями транспортировки энергии и товаров, геополитического контроля. Создаются новые союзы и блоки держав, приводящие к созданию коалиций и антикоалиций, растет угроза военных конфликтов.
Международное коммунистическое движение и каждая компартия в частности не должны бездействовать в этих столкновениях. Они должны разработать собственную линию борьбы. Линию на свержение империалистического варварства, приводящего к экономическим кризисам, бедности, безработице, войнам или к «миру» с пистолетом у виска народов. Это должно произойти при исследовании исторического опыта, сознательном отказе от ошибочных разработок предыдущих десятилетий, которые, помимо безрезультатности, привели революционные силы общества к разоружению и большему бездействию.
Как, впрочем, показал и опыт Октября, а также весь ход мирового революционного рабочего движения, уже нет места для сотрудничества, для союза с буржуазией в целом или с какой-то ее частью во имя защиты буржуазной демократии или «очеловечивания» капитализма, во имя некой промежуточной стадии между капитализмом и социализмом или во избежание некоторых сил, которые ратуют за войну.
Буржуазия и ее власть подрывают и ущемляют права трудящихся, народа, лишают народ завоеваний, готовят войны, подписывая «мирные договоры». Союз рабочего класса с бедным крестьянством и самозанятыми производителями является перспективой для усиления антикапиталистической, антимонополистической борьбы, за социализм. 
Линия социал-демократии с начала прошлого века и до наших дней потерпела фиаско, причинила большой вред, привела к поражению революционное коммунистическое движение, способствовала приспособлению рабочих к капиталистической эксплуататорской системе, разоружила боевые, прогрессивные силы социального развития. Вот почему коммунисты на вопрос: «Реформа или революция?» – отвечают «Революция», так как ни один орган буржуазной власти не может стать гуманным. Это, как и незаменимая роль компартии, вытекает из нашей теории – из марксизма-ленинизма и пролетарского интернационализма. 
Строительство социализма как первой незрелой фазы коммунистического общества показало, какие закономерности должен знать революционный авангард и не нарушать их, чтобы искоренять сознательно и планомерно ростки контрреволюции. Более конкретно – пагубной для социалистического строительства является теория и практика «рыночного социализма». Все это внедрилось в СССР постепенно, посредством медленного скатывания к оппортунизму, начиная с 1956 года, и его последствия резко проявились в 1991 году и ознаменовались окончательным распадом СССР и КПСС. 
Исторический опыт показывает нам, что проблемы, возникшие в процессе социалистического строительства, ошибочно трактовались как недостатки централизованного планирования. Решение искали в возврате назад, в расширении рынка, а не в движении вперед, в расширении и укреплении социалистических, коммунистических производственных отношений. 
Сегодня, делая правильные выводы из нашей истории, мы становимся более сильными. Лучше вооружаемся идеологически и политически для ведения классовой борьбы сегодня и в будущем. 
Наше оружие – пролетарский интернационализм, наша общая борьба, классовая и товарищеская солидарность, необходимая против национальной изоляции и против империалистического космополитизма. 
KПГ, которая в 2018 году отметит свой 100-летний юбилей, получила после КПРФ право на проведение следующей Международной встречи коммунистических и рабочих партий. Мы постараемся, чтобы 20-я Международная встреча, которая состоится в Афинах, а также другие виды деятельности внесли вклад в развитие международного коммунистического движения, которое сегодня является раздробленным и сталкивается с большими трудностями, чтобы оно сделало шаги в направлении революционной реорганизации, так как только в этом перспективы его развития. 
Желаем читателям «Советской России» здоровья и боевых успехов в 2018. Наше будущее – не капитализм, а новый мир социалистических революций и строительства социалистического, коммунистического общества. 
Я желаю всем хорошего Нового года!
Опубликована 28.12.2017 – http://sovross.ru/articles/1644/37274
Russian Communist Workers Party (RCWP): Life itself has proved the correctness of Marxism’s founders

Sunday, November 19, 2017

Russian Communist Workers Party (RCWP): Life itself has proved the correctness of Marxism’s founders

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/11/russian-communist-workers-party-rcwp.html
Contribution by the Russian Communist Workers Party at the 19th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties that took place in Leningrad (St Petersburg), 2-4 November 2017. 
By Viktor Tyulkin.
1st-Secretary of Russian Communist Workers Party Central Committee.
Dear comrades, let me greet all participants of the meeting!
27 years ago (in April 1990) I gave a speech at the conference of Leningrad CPSU organization that was to discuss the list of delegates to be sent to the XXVIII Congress of CPSU. Exactly then there took place the division between market oriented supporters of Gorbachev and orthodox communists. This division is still present in Russian Federation and manifests itself as the existence of two parties: CPRF and RCWP and the struggle between these two parties.

We are celebrating the centennial anniversary of the Great October, still we meet now the jubilee of October not on the rise of our movement but under the conditions of temporary defeat of the October Revolution’s cause in the land of October, i.e. in the state of retreat. That’s why the best way to celebrate the Great October’s jubilee would be to focus upon the tasks not resolved and to analyze our experience and the mistakes committed. Our party has prepared report entitled “100 years after the Great October Socialist Revolution, the lessons and tasks for the contemporary communists.” We attach to this document great importance and believe it to be the second program of our party. In August this year, 100 years since the historical VI congress of Bolsheviks that had taken the course on armed uprising, there was held a conference of communist and workers parties that adhere to orthodox Marxism. At the conference there was adopted declaration entitled “October-100” that we offer for consideration (as well as for critics) to all the parties.
In the report of RCWP CC there is analyzed in detail the world-historical importance of the October revolution that was the first in the world that had successfully established the dictatorship of proletariat. It’s very important that the Great October Socialist Revolution was the first revolution that had been theoretically predicted by Marxism as natural and inevitable transition form capitalist social-economic formation to the more progressive communist one.
It’s known that a revolution requires the presence of subjective factor. Lenin developed the theory of proletarian party – the party of a new type and created the party of Bolsheviks. The main lesson (in a narrow sense) that Lenin gave to all proletarian parties is the fact that Bolsheviks were able mobilize working class and popular strata of Russia for the revolution not because they joined with all sorts of opposition, but first of all because they could defeat opportunistic trend of Mensheviks in workers’ movement both ideologically and organizationally.
We should specially stress that Bolsheviks never gave up the idea of the world revolution. In the report there was analyzed the experience and merits of Comintern that from the moment of its creation had provided communists with their own pole in workers’ movement, the pole that had been clearly defined both ideologically and organizationally. The Third, i.e. Communist International carried out huge theoretical work, in particular it predicted Fascism and gave it definition. (“Fascism in power is an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, the most chauvinistic, the most imperialistic elements of the financial capital, a special form of class domination of bourgeoisie…”). Though the issue of Comintern’s dissolution requires a special analysis, one thing is quite obvious: the main result of Comintern’s activities was the defeat of Fascism and creation of world Socialist system with the most powerful organizational nucleus as represented by USSR and by the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance countries.
Soviet Union saved the world civilization while having provided the decisive contribution to the defeat of German Nazism. What is especially important is the fact that this victory demonstrated the undisputed superiority of Socialism over Capitalism. On having promptly reconstructed the demolished national economy, USSR had turned into one of the most educated countries of the world with advanced science and culture. That’s why the priority of USSR in space research wasn’t accidental. The first person on Earth who went into space on board of Vostok space ship was Soviet pilot, communist Yuri Gagarin Soviet pilot, a former worker – a moulder-caster.
Soviet Union had a huge influence over the total world history course. The experience of Socialism, its’ social achievements both in USSR and other socialist countries forced capitalists to meet the demands of working people in their countries and introduce wider range of extended social guarantees.
The report pays special attention to the issue of power organization after the victory of socialist revolution. Essentially this is the main issue of the communist program. How one can organize the power of working people themselves and not of the people who only claim to represent them? We insist that the power should be organized as Soviet. The stability of Soviets and their best ability to perform the functions of proletarian dictatorship can be explained by the fact that the system of Soviets is based on objective reality that is characteristic for working people – i.e. on their organization that arises in the process of material production. The role of Soviets is very important already on the stage of struggle for power. No parliaments or center-left governments of “people’s trust” are likely to be transformed into Soviet power, neither would they adopt a Soviet Constitution nor lead people to Socialism. The way to Socialism goes through Soviets, through struggle.
The experience of USSR has persuasively and unequivocally proved that the economic basis for performing, strengthening and developing Soviet power as a form of proletarian dictatorship is the socialized property of means of production, preplanned directly social production that is aimed at providing complete well-being and free universal development of all members of society. This is the goal of socialist production. The rejection of this goal, the course towards market leads to the degradation and destruction of Socialism as market oriented commodity production fundamentally cannot be a basis of proletarian dictatorship. Any attempt to construct a socialist market oriented commodity economics will inevitably lead to the destruction of Socialism. Now we can say that it’s not only a scientifically predicted occurrence, but also a historical fact that unfortunately has been proved by experiment.
(The most important condition for development of Socialism is the movement towards non-commodity, directly social nature of production. Nowadays this issue has not only been an issue of interest, but it has also been the point of dissent among communists, including Russian communists. In our report we give a reply to our market oriented comrades, in particular those, who suggest that we should follow the “Chinese path”: you will all end up in Capitalism if you go along this road. What we see is essentially the dream of Gorbachev. i.e. to move to Capitalism under the Red Banner.
Of course, the economic successes of China are impressive and incite respect, still they don’t necessarily mean a success of socialist construction. Lenin used to say that such type of satisfaction man can experience under Capitalism as well. Now China is the second in the list of countries by the number of billionaires, whereas Russia is the third. It’s quite obvious that both countries are quite fare away from the construction of classless society, i.e. Communism. Meanwhile Chinese Capitalism has been actively playing reactionary role worldwide – it’s enough to recall the shooting of workers at Chinese oil drilling plants in Zhanaozen, Kazakhstan and the struggle of Greek workers against the plans by Chinese companies to privatize the port of Piraeus. It’s difficult for us to say this but we see that Chinese comrades are likely to repeat the sad fate of CPSU.)
For obvious reasons we paid special attention to the issue of tactics and necessity of utilizing the possibilities provided by bourgeois parliament to the development of class struggle. The approach by Lenin was illustrated by one of his most categorical expressions: “Only blackguards or fools can believe that proletariat should first conquer the majority in the course of elections that are carried out under the oppression of bourgeoisie, under the conditions of the hired slavery and only afterwards they should conquer the power. This is the utmost manifestation of stupidity or hypocrisy, this is the substitution of class struggle and revolution by elections under the old order, the old power”. Everything is decided in the course of extra parliamentary struggle.
In the report there is a special chapter dedicated to the reasons for the defeat of Socialism in USSR. Lenin used to say that “nobody can defeat us but for our own mistakes”. If we wanted to answer briefly why the Soviet power and CPSU were defeated whereas the majority of working people expressed indifference regarding the counterrevolutionary coup performed in 1991, we would say as follows: it’s because that by that time the power had not been Soviet and the party – communist any longer.
In the report we dwelled in detail upon the practical mistakes made by the party and the authorities starting with the main one – i.e. the rejection of the main issue in Marxism – i.e. the rejection of proletarian dictatorship. This was performed by the leaders of the party that went on calling itself communist. At the XXII Congress of CPSU there was adopted a new party program that excluded mentioning the necessity of proletarian dictatorship from its basic programmatic issues. Meanwhile the XXVIII Congress of CPSU adopted the program of transition to market, i.e. to Capitalism. Even the models of honest privatization as G.A. Zyganov told us were elaborated within CPSU CC. The struggle within CPSU in that period was also reflected in the report.
Life itself has proved the correctness of Marxism’s founders when they claimed that Communism is science and that it should be dealt with correspondingly.
The parties that adhered to orthodox, i.e. revolutionary Marxism joined together in Communist (i.e. the 3rd) International in XX Century. The tasks of communist parties, their responsibilities among which the most important was the responsibility to struggle for the revolutionary character of the parties, the struggle against opportunism were reflected in the 21 conditions of admission to Comintern. In the world there are still many parties who occupy the positions of revolutionary Marxism. Theoretical thought is still alive and Marxist-Leninist  scientists go on with their studies.
As a separate topic we analyze the issue of whether we should aim for Socialism at all, in case Capitalism can provide a high level of prosperity? We, Soviet communists that lived and struggled in Soviet times when answering the question of “what was better under Socialism?”, point out that the main benefit of Socialism was not only the social security of people from the market or the absence of unemployment, or free of charge education, healthcare and accessible housing. We tell that the better relationship between people was that mattered most. Those relationships were much more honest, pure and fair. They were more humanThis is worth struggling for!
Nowadays imperialists in many countries have been banning communist parties activities (eg. in Ukraine and in Baltic republics) and symbols, communists are not allowed to take part in elections etc. Anticommunist propaganda has been carried out everywhere with a various degree of frenzy. Still the main tool of anticommunism is not the bans, but the leading of the movement aside, its emasculation.
RCWP claims that today opportunism and revisionism have been transformed from natural biases of communist movement into a controlled weapon of bourgeoisie. The best known example of such transformation is the trend called Eurocommunism that is represented by the party of European Left. It’s clear that such parties pose no threat to bourgeoisie and are supported. These are our class enemies. Bourgeoisie has perfectly well learned to emasculate revolutionary ideas. The example of the recent Youth Festival in Sochi can illustrate this well. Dances and fun instead of anti-imperialist struggle is its essence.
Our program means the development of the struggle of working people themselves. One can achieve anything by struggle only, not by begging, whereas providing the scope of the struggle and the degree of its organization have reached a certain threshold, we can raise the issue of working people’s power – the Soviet power. We’ve been under severe pressure of reaction but we have to keep our stamina and fight in order to be able to timely bring the spark of revolutionary knowledge and revolutionary fire to the powder keg of people’s energy. Lenin used to say: “it doesn’t depend on us only if there is revolution or not, but we’ll perform our task and this effort will never perish”. Let’s check our thoughts and deeds against Lenin and the party of Bolsheviks.
Let’s not falter on our chosen way! There is no other way around.
Long live Marxism-Leninism, the teaching on revolutionary struggle of proletarians all over the world. Proletarians of all countries – unite!
*  *  *
100 лет Великой Октябрьской социалистической революции и уроки для современных коммунистов
Международная встреча коммунистических и рабочих партий
г. Ленинград,
2-4 ноября 2017 год
Приветствую всех участников встречи!
Мне довелось в этом зале 27 лет назад (в апреле 1990 г.) выступать на конференции Ленинградской организации КПСС, когда формировалась делегация на 28-й Съезд партии. Именно тогда происходило разделение на сторонников Горбачева – рыночников и ортодоксально-коммунистическое движение. Это разделение сохраняется и сегодня в виде существования в РФ и борьбы КПРФ и РКРП.
Мы отмечаем 100-летие Октября! Однако, встречаем юбилей Октября отнюдь не на подъеме движения, а в ситуации временного поражения дела Октябрьской революции на родине Октября, то есть на этапе отступления. Поэтому для нас лучший способ отметить этот юбилей – это сосредоточиться на нерешенных задачах, проанализировать опыт, разобрать ошибки.
Наша партия подготовила доклад «100 лет Великой Октябрьской социалистической революции и уроки для современных коммунистов». Мы очень серьезно относимся к этому документу и расцениваем его как вторую программу нашей партии. В августе этого года, в 100-летнюю годовщину VI-го съезда большевиков, который взял курс на вооруженное восстание, в Ленинграде прошла конференция коммунистических и рабочих партий, стоящих на позициях ортодоксального марксизма, которые приняли декларацию «Октябрь-100». Предлагаем эти материалы для изучения (и критики) всем партиям.
В Докладе ЦК РКРП подробно рассматривается всемирно-историческое значение Октябрьской революции, выразившееся в успешно осуществленном, впервые в мире, установлении диктатуры пролетариата. Очень важно, что Великая Октябрьская социалистическая революция – это первая революция, теоретически предсказанная марксизмом как закономерный и неизбежный переход от капиталистической общественно-экономической формации к коммунистической, как более прогрессивной.
Известно, что для революции требуется наличие субъективного фактора. Ленин разработал теорию пролетарской партии – партии нового типаи создал партию большевиков. При этом главнейший ленинский урок (в узком смысле) для всех пролетарских партий состоит в том, что большевики смогли поднять рабочий класс и народ России на революцию не за счет того, что объединились со всей и всякой оппозицией, а прежде всего, за счет того, что идейно и организационно разгромили оппортунизм меньшевизма в рядах рабочего движения.
Следует особо подчеркнуть, что большевики никогда не отказывались от перспективы мировой революции. Разобран опыт и заслуги Коминтерна, с момента создания которого коммунисты имели свой, чётко идейно и организационно оформленный полюс в рабочем движении. Третий, Коммунистический Интернационал вёл большую теоретическую работу, в том числе предсказал фашизм и дал ему определение. («Фашизм у власти — это открытая террористическая диктатура наиболее реакционных, наиболее шовинистических, наиболее империалистических элементов финансового капитала, особая форма классового господства буржуазии…») Вопрос роспуска Коминтерна требует отдельного рассмотрения, но ясно одно: главным результатом его деятельности явился разгром фашизма и создание мировой социалистической системы с мощнейшим организационным ядром – Союзом Советских Социалистических Республик и странами СЭВ.
Советский Союз, внеся решающий вклад в разгром германского фашизма, спас мировую цивилизацию. Но главное в том, что эта победа показала безусловное преимущество социализма над капитализмом. В кратчайшие сроки восстановив разрушенное хозяйство, страна стала одной из самых образованных в мире, с передовой наукой и культурой. Поэтому первенство в освоении космоса было закономерным. Первым человеком Земли, вышедшим в космическое пространство на корабле «Восток», стал советский летчик, рабочий парень со специальностью формовщик-литейщик, коммунист Юрий Гагарин.
СССРоказал огромное влияние на весь ход мировой истории. Социализм, советский и стран соцлагеря, его социальные достижения заставили капиталистов идти на уступки и введение более широких и определенных социальных гарантий для трудящихся в своих странах.
Особое внимание в докладе уделяется проработке вопроса организации власти после победы социалистической революции. Это по большому счету гвоздь программы коммунистов. Как организовать власть самих трудящихся, а не лишь ратующую за трудящихся? Мы настаиваем на организации власти по советскому принципу. Устойчивость Советов и их наибольшая адекватность для выполнения функции диктатуры пролетариата обусловлены конкретно тем, что Советы опираются на объективную реальностьобъединяющую людей труда, – их организованность в процессе материального производства. Роль Советов чрезвычайно важна уже на этапе борьбы за власть. Никакие парламенты и лево-центристские правительства “народного доверия” в Советскую власть не преобразуются, советскую конституцию не примут и к социализму трудящихся не приведут. Путь к социализму лежит через Советы, через борьбу.
Опыт СССР вполне убедительно и однозначно доказал, что экономической основой осуществления, укрепления и развития Советской власти как формы диктатуры пролетариата является общественная собственность на средства производства, планомерно организованное непосредственно общественное производство, нацеленное на обеспечение полного благосостояния и свободного всестороннего развития всех членов общества. Это является целью социалистического производства. Отказ от этой цели, курс на рынок приводит к деградации и разрушению социализма, поскольку товарно-рыночное хозяйство принципиально не может быть экономической основой диктатуры пролетариата. А попытка строить социалистическое товарное хозяйство неизбежно ведет к уничтожению социализма. Теперь это не только научно обоснованный, но, увы, и опытным путем, исторически проверенный факт.
(Важнейшим условием развития социализма является движение к нетоварному, непосредственно общественному характеру производства. Сегодня этот вопрос продолжает не только волновать, но и разделять коммунистическое движение, в том числе и в России. Мы в докладе даем ответ товарищам рыночникам, в т.ч. зовущим двигаться «по китайскому образцу», что приедете вы все равно в капитализм. По сути дела, мы видим наяву воплощение мечты Горбачёва: движение в капитализм под красным флагом.
Экономические успехи Китая, конечно, впечатляют и вызывают уважение, но они вовсе не обязательно означают успехов в строительстве социализма. Такое удовлетворение, как говорил Ленин, может дать и капитализм. Сегодня КНР по числу миллиардеров находится на втором месте в мире, Россия на третьем. От построения бесклассового общества – коммунизма, думается, и одна, и другая страна весьма далеки. При этом китайский капитализм играет активнейшую реакционную роль на мировой арене (достаточно вспомнить расстрел рабочих на нефтепромыслах китайского капитала в казахском Жанаозене и борьбу греческих рабочих против приватизации порта Пирей). Нам больно это говорить, но мы прогнозируем печальное повторение китайскими товарищами судьбы КПСС).
Особое внимание в докладе мы, по понятным причинам, уделили вопросу о необходимости и тактике использования возможностей буржуазного парламентаризма для развития классовой борьбы. Разобран ленинский подход на примерах его весьма категоричных суждений: «Только негодяи или дурачки могут думать, что пролетариат сначала должен завоевать большинство при голосованиях, производимых под гнетом буржуазии,под гнетом наемного рабства, а потом должен завоевывать власть. Это верх тупоумия или лицемерия, это — замена классовой борьбы и революции голосованиями при старом строе, при старой власти». Все решает борьба вне парламента.
Отдельный раздел в Докладе посвящен разбору причин поражения социализма в СССР. Ленин говорил: Никто не может нас погубить, кроме наших собственных ошибок“. Если очень-очень коротко отвечать на вопрос «А почему?» – о причинах поражения Советской власти и КПСС, о равнодушии большей части трудящихся к произошедшему в 1991 г. контрреволюционному перевороту, то мы отвечаем так: потому что власть уже не была советской, а партия уже не была коммунистической.
В Докладе подробно разобраны ошибки в практических действиях руководства партии и страны, начиная с основной – отказа в теории от главного в марксизме: от диктатуры пролетариата. Это было осуществлено руководством самой партии, продолжавшей называться коммунистической. На ХХII съезде КПСС была принята новая программа партии, которая исключила из своих основных положений необходимость диктатуры пролетариата. А XXVIII съезд КПСС утвердил переход к рынку, то есть к капитализму. Даже модели честнойприватизации, как нам рассказывает Г.А. Зюганов, разрабатывались в недрах ЦК КПСС. Показана борьба в КПСС этого этапа.
Жизнь практикой доказала правоту основателей марксизма в том, что коммунизм – это наука, и относиться к нему нужно соответствующим образом.
В XX-м веке партии, стоящие на позициях ортодоксального, т.е. революционного марксизма, объединились в Коммунистический(третий) Интернационал. В двадцати одном условии приёма в Коминтерн были изложены задачи коммунистических партий, то есть их обязанности, среди которых главнейшей была борьба за революционный характер партий, борьба с оппортунизмом. И сегодня в мире немало партий, которые стоят на позициях революционного марксизма. Не угасла теоретическая мысль, продолжается работа ученых, стоящих на марксистко-ленинских позициях.
Отдельно в Докладе рассмотрен вопрос – нужно ли вообще стремиться к социализму, если довольно высокий уровень благосостояния людям может дать и капитализм? Мы, советские коммунисты, жившие и боровшиеся в советские времена, отвечая на вопрос: «что было лучше при социализме?», вспоминаем в первую очередь даже не социальную защищенность людей от рынка, не отсутствие безработицы, не бесплатное обучение и образование, бесплатную медицину и доступное жилье. Мы говорим, что лучше были отношения между людьми. Они были гораздо более честными, более чистыми, более справедливыми. Они были более человеческими. За это стоит бороться!
.Сегодня во многих странах мира империалисты запрещают деятельность компартий (например, в Прибалтике и на Украине), запрещают коммунистическую символику, не допускают коммунистов к участию в выборах и пр. Везде ведут, с разной степенью оголтелости, антикоммунистическую пропаганду. Но все же, главным методом антикоммунизма стали не запреты, а увод в сторону, выхолащиваниекоммунистического движения.
РКРП утверждает, что сегодня оппортунизм и ревизионизм из естественных уклонов в комдвижении превратились в управляемое оружие буржуазии. Наиболее известным примером такого перерождения является течение так называемого еврокоммунизма,трансформировавшегося в Евролевую партию. Понятно, что такие партии буржуям не опасны и поддерживаются ими. Это наши классовые враги. Буржуазия прекрасно научилась выхолащивать, кастрировать революционные идеи. Пример последнего Фестиваля молодежи в Сочи прекрасно это иллюстрирует. Пляски и гулянье – основное содержание вместо антиимпериалистической борьбы.
Наша программа – развитие борьбы самих трудящихся. Только борьбой, а не просительством, можно чего-то достичь. А при соответствующем развитии масштабов и организованности борьбы можно ставить вопрос уже и о власти трудящихся – о Советской власти.
Мы сегодня испытываем сильнейшее давление реакции, но надо сохранять выдержку и бороться, чтобы донести искру революционного знания и революционного огня к пороху народной энергии в нужный час. Ленин говорил: «Будет революция или не будет, – зависит не только от нас. Но мы своё дело сделаем, и это дело не пропадёт никогда». Будем же и в мыслях, и в делах равняться на Ленина, на партию большевиков.
Не дрогнем на избранном пути! Иного пути нет.
Да здравствует марксизм-ленинизм, учение о революционной борьбе пролетариев все стран. Пролетарии всех стран, соединяйтесь!
Первый Секретарь Центрального комитета
Российской Коммунистической рабочей партии
Виктор Тюлькин
С юбилеем Великого Октября! With the anniversary of the Great October Revolution!
Дорогие товарищи!

Поздравляем Вас с юбилеем Великой Октябрьской социалистической революции. Ровно сто лет назад народ России под руководством партии большевиков во главе с великим Лениным сверг власть капитала и открыл новую эпоху в истории нашей страны и всего человечества. Несмотря на тяжелые поражения, идея социальной справедливости не умерла, миллионы людей в разных странах мира продолжают борьбу за торжество идеалов Великого Октября.
Желаем Вам здоровья, счастья, успехов в борьбе за интересы трудящихся. Победа будет за нами!
                                                                                                                                 Центральный Комитет КПСС
Dear comrades!   We congratulate you on the anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. Exactly one hundred years ago the people of Russia under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party, led by the great Lenin, overthrew the power of capital and opened a new era in the history of our country and of all mankind. Despite the hard defeats, the idea of ​​social justice has not died, millions of people around the world continue to struggle for the triumph of the ideals of the Great October Revolution.   We wish you health, happiness, success in the struggle for the interests of the working people. Victory will be ours!                                                                                                                                    Central Committee of the CPSU
100th anniversary of Great October Revolution

10/30/2017

100th anniversary of Great October Revolution

Throughout November, celebrations around the world will mark the centenary of the outstanding political event of the 20th century: the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917. By overthrowing the Russian capitalists, landowners and aristocrats, the workers, peasants and soldiers of the Tsarist empire opened the door to a new society in which humanity’s dreams of peace, equality and democracy began to become reality. The storming of the Winter Palace, signaled by the guns of the Aurora cruiser, began the historical epoch of the transition towards a socialist society, based on cooperation and social justice, not the  exploitation and oppression inherent in the profit-driven capitalist system.

The October Revolution was far more than a change in government. It was a fundamental social upheaval, a sharp break with thousands of years of class-divided societies. For the first time, the working class took lasting political power, shattering the myth that only the owners of wealth can rule.

Under the slogan “Peace, Land, Bread” and with the support of the overwhelming majority of the working class and poor peasants, the Bolsheviks (the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, which the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was then called) began the long and complex effort to build a new “system of civilized cooperators,” as the great revolutionary Vladimir Lenin described the essence of socialism.

The new Soviet government immediately issued its famous “decree on peace”, taking Russia out of the imperialist slaughter by the leading capitalist countries for the re-division of wealth and colonial possession they had plundered from the world’s peoples. Land was transferred to millions of impoverished peasants, and industrial, financial and other capitalist companies were nationalized. Workers were guaranteed employment. Education and health care became universal and free. Nations oppressed under the Tsarist heel were guaranteed equality and self-determination, including the right to secession. Patriarchal laws were replaced by the full legal and social emancipation of women.

The imperialist countries, including Canada, sent armies to crush the young Soviet state while the “baby was still in its cradle”, as Winston Churchill said. Surrounded by counter-revolutionary forces and invading imperialist armies, the Soviet government and the Red Army triumphed, with the support of workers around the world acting under the slogan “Hands off Russia!” The heroic example of Soviet Russia inspired working class struggles and insurrections throughout the world, including the Winnipeg General Strike and the formation of the Communist Party of Canada in this country.

The Soviet revolution shook imperialism as never before. Yet it stood on the shoulders of more than one hundred years of working class and national liberation struggles. Millions of workers had supported the First and Second Internationals, whose goal was world peace and socialism, in sharp contrast to the imperialist strivings of the leading capitalist countries.

The Internationals were inspired by the slogan “Workers of all lands, unite!” and by revolutionaries such as Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels who declared that the working class was the agent of socialist revolution. The working class movement was steeled by persecutions, and educated by the bloody vengeance of the French and Prussian capitalists in 1871 against the Paris Commune – the world’s first working class state. When opportunist leaders of the Second International backed their own imperialist governments during the First World War, the revolutionary sections of the working class movement, including Lenin and the Bolsheviks, courageously struggled against imperialist war. Nearly fifty years after the Commune, the October Revolution gave a new impetus, content, and energy to the world revolutionary movement.

Great October holds a unique and honoured place in history, as the first socialist revolution to achieve and retain political power, withstanding both internal counter-revolution and foreign intervention. It dramatically changed world politics, breaking the hegemony of imperialism, and establishing a new and fundamentally different approach to relations between peoples, nations and states.

The October Revolution proved that socialism could become more than a utopian ideal. The working class and its allies could move beyond sporadic resistance to challenge the capitalist system as a whole, and achieve social emancipation. The exploited and oppressed, through conscious and united struggle, could shape their own destiny. It was this truth about the Russian Revolution that filled the privileged classes with a fear and hatred of socialism, from the earliest days of the Soviet state.

Despite unremitting imperialist hostility and subversion, the Soviet Union endured for over seven decades, scoring many great achievements, overcoming unemployment, illiteracy, and social deprivation. Socialism in the Soviet Union transformed an economically and culturally “backward” country into one of the world’s leading powers, and made great advances in culture and science.

It was the Soviet Union which led the heroic military struggle to defeat Hitler fascism on the battlefield, creating the conditions for the emergence of other socialist states in Europe. The Soviet Union championed the cause of anti-racism and decolonization, gave crucial material and political support to liberation movements, and provided vital assistance to the former colonies as they won their independence. The changing international balance of forces was a key factor in helping the peoples of China, Korea, Vietnam and Cuba to carry out their own socialist transformations. The USSR’s peace policy also restricted – though it could not entirely suppress – imperialism’s tendency to military aggression.

The gains achieved by workers under socialism inspired the working class in the advanced capitalist countries, compelling the ruling class to concede reforms around labour rights, the 40-hour work week, unemployment insurance, health care, public education, and pensions. The progress toward economic and social equality by women in the USSR was a powerful stimulus to the struggles of women in the capitalist countries for pay and employment equity, and for child care and other social programs which would weaken the patriarchal double burden of capitalist exploitation and unpaid domestic labour.

Ultimately, however, the first workers’ state was overturned and capitalism restored, due to a combination of interrelated internal and external circumstances and contradictions which culminated in the temporary victory of counter-revolution.

The defeat of socialism in the USSR became a powerful ideological weapon in the hands of monopoly capitalism. We categorically reject the bourgeois contention that the causes of the crisis and defeat of the Soviet Union were rooted in the intrinsic nature of socialism. Rather, that historic setback resulted from the extremely difficult conditions under which socialism was built, especially the destructive impact of decades of imperialist pressures and subversion, and from distortions and departures from Marxist-Leninist theory and practice.

Whatever the failures and mistakes which occurred during that first great experiment in building a new, higher form of society, these do not detract from the enduring significance of Great October. Socialism’s historical balance-sheet was overwhelmingly positive, not only for the people of the Soviet Union but indeed for all humanity. The misery and impoverishment which have befallen millions of people in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe since the early 1990s (especially women whose equality gains were rolled back), and the massive profiteering by those who took advantage of the restoration of capitalism, is painful evidence of what happens when counter-revolution succeeds.

Despite its so-called victory, capitalism itself remains in profound systemic crisis. The widening gap between rich and poor, the endless wars and conflicts spawned by imperialism, and the environmental crisis which threatens human civilization, all show that the private profit system, driven by personal and corporate greed, cannot meet the fundamental needs and interests of the people and the global environment.

As capitalism generates war, austerity, and catastrophic climate change, people everywhere are yearning for freedom. Struggles against imperialist globalization have grown sharper, and in many countries, the working class is mounting fierce resistance against the corporate drive for higher profits. The powerful example of Cuba’s socialist revolution continues to inspire workers, youth and oppressed peoples around the world.

Imperialism is responding with growing reaction, militarism and war. In the US, Canada, Europe, India and other regions, far-right, racist and neo-Nazi forces aim to divide and weaken the working class movement, and to roll back the equality gains achieved by trade unions, women, LGBTQ people, and immigrants. But the forces of imperialism and reaction cannot hold back the irresistible power and attraction of socialist ideas, the growth of the international working class, and the striving of the vast majority of humanity for social progress, a sustainable environment, and peace.

Not least, the Great October Socialist Revolution proved the importance of creating the “revolutionary party of a new type” – solidly grounded in the working class, and based on the ideology of Marxism-Leninism and the principles of democratic centralism. At a time when working people increasingly reject both the old-line capitalist parties and social democratic opportunism, it is more critical than ever to strengthen the revolutionary political parties which can win the working class for a genuine socialist alternative.

Nothing can erase the accomplishments of Great October. The Communist Party of Canada will celebrate Great October for its great achievements, for its historic lessons and for the unequaled inspiration it has created for the future of humanity – a socialist future!

Central Executive Committee, Communist Party of Canada

The Revision of the Great October on the 20th and 22th Congress of the CPSU

Sunday, July 23, 2017

The Revision of the Great October on the 20th and 22th Congress of the CPSU

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/07/the-revision-of-great-october-on-20th.html
By Gyula Thürmer*.
Source: International Communist Review, Issue 7, 2017.
 
Hundred years have passed since the Great October Socialist Revolution triumphed on the 7th of November 1917. The Hungarian Workers’ Party celebrates the Great October as an outstanding event of the universal history, an event that had a decisive influence on the world, the international workers’ movement, and also on Hungary and the fate of the Hungarian workers and toiling masses.
1917 provides a lot of experience and conclusions for the communist and workers’ movement. The conclusions of the Great October are still valid, they serve as a guide for any political force which is fighting against capitalism, in order to construct socialism.
On the other hand, the rejection and revision of 1917, the re-evaluation of its importance has always been the tool of anti-communist, revisionist forces. The conclusions of the Great October have been revised by the 20th congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), and the 22th congress of the CPSU validated these key points borned under the influence of revisionism in the party’s programme. These decisions had grave consequences for the entire communist and workers’ movement, its effects can still be felt.
Historical lessons of the Great October
  1. The Great October was a socialist revolution.
The contradictions of capitalism cannot be resolved within the framework of  capitalism, capitalism  must be replaced by a socialist society. The path to this is the socialist revolution. The Great October opened the epoch of revolutions.
This great epoch is still not over. There were and there will besuccesses and failures, the times of revolutionary recession and periods of revolutionary upsurgeare followingeach other, but this process ultimately leads  to the victory of socialism on a world scale. Now we witness bigger and bigger wealth concentrating in the hands of fewer and fewer people, growing poverty for more and more people, growing population and more and more deteriorating natural environment, increasingly destructive military technologies concentrating in the hands of fewer and fewer, better and better technical opportunities and weakening democracy – those are contradictions, which cannot be resolved by capitalism.
  1. The Great October was the revolution of the working class.
1917 was not a  coup d’etat of a small revolutionary group, but it was a social revolution. A historical deed of the working class, the only class interested in the consequent fight against capital. It proved the words of the Communist Manifesto:
Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product.”[1]
The position of the working class has changed a lot in the recent decades. The internationalization of capital and capitalist competition lend impetus to the concentration and centralization of capital and this development leads to changes in the social structure, while the strengthening of the monopolies sharpens the problems, exerts pressure on and destroys a section of the middle strata. Still the working class in the broad sense of the word – the social class which  owns no capital and must sell its own labour power – today too is the most conscious force in the fight against the capital.
  1. The communists were those who prepared, organised and carried out the first socialist revolution of the world
The Great October proved that among the various currents in the labour movement only the revolutionary, radical line, the communists assume the responsibility and are able to carry out a socialist revolution, only Marxism-Leninism is a reliable ideological weapon.
In the epoch of socialist revolutions the communist and social democratic currents completely and finally broke up. Communists became the carriers of socialist revolutions, while social democracy irrevocably committed themselves to capitalism .
  1. Working masses cannot win and keep the power without a disciplined, organised, built on the principles of democratic centralism Marxist-Leninist party
Against the will of the masses – no matter how organised a small revolutionary group is – no victorious revolutuon is possible. But no matter how much the people wish for a revolutionary change, it’s not possible without an organised and disciplined party.
  1. The prerequisite of the party’s success is the adherence to Marxism-Leninism.
The basis of the communist party’s strength is its ideological purity and the unity of policy and action. While  the basis of the party’s ideological purity is the acceptance and creative application of Marxism-Leninism.
  1. Proletarian internationalism and the international unity of the communist parties are important prerequisites of the success of the revolutionary struggle.
Shortly after the victory of the Great October, in the March of 1918 the 3rd Internationale  started its work, the 3rd Internationale  was so far the biggest institutionalized cooperation in the history of the communist movement.
The importance of proletarian internationalism is not decreasing. Only together communist and workers’ parties can defeat the forces of capitalism.
  1. Socialism should oppose the forces of capitalism with a compelling power. Peaceful co-existence does not mean reconciliation with capitalism but is one of the forms of struggle.
Capital has never forgiven the revolution of 1917. From the first moment it tried to get revenge, to get back its lost positions. We Hungarians rememer well, that in 1919 the Soviet Republic was drown in blood and Miklós Horthy was put into power for more than two decades. In order to eliminate the Soviet Union and communists, the capital unleashed fascism on the world. Without the support and the money of the European big capital there would have never been any Hitler or Mussolini. Capital didn’t care that fascism caused wars and the death of tens of millions. Capital still hasn’t completely lock back the spirit of fascism into the bottle, but takes it out everytime it’s needed. Capital started the cold war (1948-1990) in the name of revenge, and toppled socialist systems in several countries in the 1990’s. In this specific period there was at the same time an opportunist corrosion of the CPs and violations of the laws of socialist construction, which formed conditions for the counterrevolution.  A milestone in this course were the decisions of the 20th Congress of the CPSU.
The historical place of the CPSU’s 20th congress
On 14-25 February, 1956 the 20th congress of the CPSU took place. The congress was a turning point in the history of the Soviet and the international communist movement. It revised the most basic lessons of 1917. Its decisions determined the way of thinking and the political practices of the communist movement for a long time. Instead of 1917, the historical reference point became 1956, the 20th congress. The reference point in evaluating the debates within the Soviet party started to be the attitude to the 20th century, not to 1917. This determined the relationships with the different communist parties too.
The CPSU tried to make the postulates of the Soviet political thinking to be accepted as dogmas in the international movement, and had much success with it. This largely held back creative thinking. It strenghtened the position of petty bourgeois-opportunist forces within the leaderships of socialist countries.
This period concided with the changes in the basis of the Western European communist parties, the increasing influence of intelligentsia, the decreasing  proportions of actually workers. In Europe eurocommunist parties emerged, which rejected the revolutionary effect of the Great October and the experiences of socialist countries, absolutised the peculiarities of Western European countries, revised the basic principles of Marxism. These views still have a damaging influence on the European communist movement, obstruct the fight of the workers. They reached the point of irrationally and unscientifically arguing that socialism could be constructed through bourgeois parliamentary elections and using the tools of capitalism.
The 20th congress of the CPSU also has played a considerable  role in destroying the earlier existing unity of the socialist countries. From the 60’s the relationship between  the Soviet Union and China became hostile. The positions of China were utilized by US and European imperialism against the Soviet Union.
The 21th extraordinary congress of the CPSU took place between January 27-February 5 1959. Its task was to strenghten the changes in the CPSU’s leadership and Nikita Khrushchev’s power position and to make the elaboration of the CPSU’s new programme quicker.
The CPSU’s 22nd congress on October 17-31 1961 accepted the new programme of the CPSU, and thus implemented a revision of the conclusions of 1917 on the level of the party programme.
In the last decades the Marxist re-evaluation of the CPSU’s 20th congress has begun in the communist movement.
The Hungarian Workers’ Party declared on the 90th anniversary of the Great October: „Capitalist counter-revolutions would have been impossible or very hard to carry out, if there hadn’t been internal causes in some of the socialist countries. The decisive internal cause should be looked for in the leaderships of the socialist countries, where a reformist-opportunist wing emerged and gradually gave up its socialist positions. This political line was felt already after the CPSU’s 20th congress, when several values of socialist construction were rejected with the pretext of eliminating the mistakes of the Stalin-era. The justified and correct criticism of Stalin was used to reject the positive elements of his heritage, to deprive the socialist countries’ societies of the reliable historical consciousness. Evaluating of Stalin according to today’s circumstances, correcting the distortions is the duty of our time”.[2]
The Greek Communist Party has come to the following conlusion after thorough analysis of Soviet socialism:
Following World War II and the post-war reconstruction, socialist construction entered a new phase. The Party was faced with new demands and challenges regarding the development of socialism-communism. The 20th Congress of the CPSU (1956) stands out as a turning point, since at that congress a series of opportunist positions were adopted on matters relating to the economy, the strategy of the communist movement and international relations. The correlation of forces in the struggle being waged during the entire preceding period was altered, with a turn in favor of the revisionist-opportunist positions, with the result that the Party gradually began to lose its revolutionary characteristics. In the decade of the 1980s, with perestroika, opportunism fully developed into a traitorous, counter-revolutionary force. The consistent communist forces that reacted during the final phase of the betrayal, at the 28th CPSU Congress, did not manage in a timely manner to expose it and to organize the revolutionary reaction of the working class.”[3]
The revision of the lessons of Great October’s at the CPSU’s 20th congress
Let’s examine closer the most important questions, in which the CPSU’s 20th congress changed the evaluation of the Great October experience!
Peaceful coexistence
Following a certain detente in the middle of the 1950’s and the gradually established military balance between the Soviet Union and the USA the CPSU’s 20th congress thought that the peaceful coexistence of the two systems means a broad cooperation and the aspect of anticapitalist fight can be put aside.
The congress was right to conclude that there was a certain detente.
Thanks to the consistent peaceful foreign policy of the socialist countries the state of international tension, which was fraught with great danger, has been replaced by a certain détent.”[4]
The congress correctly concluded that the existence of the two world systems is a fact, which determines international relations.
The emergence of socialism from within the bounds of a single country and its transformation into a world system is the main feature of our era. Capitalism has proved powerless to prevent this process of world-historic significance. The simultaneous existance of two opposite  world economic systems, the capitalist and the socialist, developing according to different laws and in opposite directions, has become an indisputablle fact.” [5]
The congress didn’t speak about the fact that this relative detente between the two world systems was mostly a result of the military balance formed due to the developments of the 1950’s, the creation of the Soviet atomic and hydrogen bomb, the great successes in rocket research.
The congress overlooked the internal problems of the socialist countries. We shouldn’t forget that in 1956 counter revolutionary processes take place in Poland and Hungary.
 „The socialist system is marching forward triumthantly, without crises or upheavals. It is bringing great benefits to the peoples of the socialist countries, demonstrating its decisive superiority over the capitlist system.” [6]
The programme accepted at the CPSU’s 22th congress in 1961 says:
The CPSU maintains that forces capable of preserving and promoting universal peace have arisen and are growing in the world. Possibilities are arising for essentially new relations between states.”[7]
 „Peaceful coexistence of the socialist and capitalist countries is an objective necessity for the development of human society.”[8]
Lenin was a supporter of the world revolution. For Lenin peaceful coexistence was a temporary compromise: I can’t defeat capitalism now, but I don’t give up the goal. In March 1919  the Communist Internationale was formed, which enjoyed the full support of the Soviet state. In the 1920’s  communist parties were created in almost every country of the world. At the period when Stalin was the general secretary of the party the CPSU supported the Comintern. Though in 1943 they  made a gesture to the capitalist members of the antifascist coalition and dissolved the Comintern,  by then there was already a new, effective force of the world revolution, the triumphantly advancing Red Army.
The CPSU under the leadership of Khrushchev gives up the idea of world revolution, he declares peaceful coexistence as the end goal, stating that relations of capitalism and socialism would be determined by peaceful competition. Brezhnev a bit clumsily, but returns to the idea of world revolution.  Of course, this does not negate the fact that in the period when Brezhnev was the GS of the CPSU the problems of utilizing the tools of capitalism in socialist construction continued and sharpened, with the result that the party lost its revolutionary way with grave consequences.
Gorbatchev’s „new way of thinking” meant giving up the goals of socialism. He gave back the territories gained in WW2, ruined the Soviet armed forces, left socialist countries at the mercy of the forces of capitalism.
This was one of the biggest theoretical misconception of the CPSU’s 20th congress, which explained many political steps that contributed to the weakening and then toppling of the socialist system.
This was the false and incorrect interpretation of the principle of  peaceful coexistence. Socialism will win on a world level if it produces more and better in economy, than capitalism does. But this doesn’t mean that military power can be given up.
Based on the false and incorrect interpretation of the principle of peaceful coexistence, the Soviet Union reduced a significant portion of the land  and naval forces in the beginning of the 60’s. From the end of the 60’s it signed a number of agreements on the limitation and reduction of armaments and disarmament with the USA, that broke  the delicate military balance which was so hard to establish, and more than that – made the Soviet Union vulnerable. This doesn’t mean that disarmament efforts weren’t needed, but it’s a fact that it led to the end of military balance. The mistake was not the disarmament, but the series of one-sided concessions to the US. Without the military power balance the socialist world became vulnerable on all other fields too, as the military balance had the greatest impact on capitalist countries.
The parliamentary road, as a way of creating socialism
The 20th congress of the CPSU declared that in the changed international conditions communist parties can get into power by parliamentary elections and can make socialism win.
… the present situation offers the working class in a number of capitalst countries a real opportunity to unite the overwhelming majority of the people under its leadership and to secure the transfer of the basic means of production into the hands of the people. The Right-wing bourgeois parties and their governments are suffering bankruptcy with increasing frequency. In those circumstances the working class, by rallying around itself the toiling peasantry, the intelligentsia, all patriotic forces, and resolutely repulsing the opportunist elements who are uncapable of giving up the policy of compromise with the capitalists and landlords, is in a  position to defeat the reactionary forces opposed to the popular interest, to capture a stable majority in parliament, and transform the latter from an organ of bourgeois democracy into a genuine instrument of the people’s will. (Applause.) In such an event this institution, traditional in many highly developed capitalist countries, may become an organ of genuine democracy, democracy for the working people.
The winning of a stable parliamentary majority backed by a mass revolutionary movement of the proletariat and of all the working people could create for the working class for a number of capitalist and former colonial countries the conditions needed to secure fundamental social changes.”[9]
The 22nd congress of the CPSU fixed this thesis in the party’s programme:
In the conditions prevaling at present, in some capitalist countries the working class, headed by its forward detachment, has an opportunity to unite the bulk of the nation, win state power without a civil war and achieve the transfer of the basic means of production to the people upon the basis of a working class and popular front and other possible forms of agreement and political cooperation between different parties and democratic organisations. The working class, supported by the majority of the people and firmly repelling opportunist elements incapable of renouncing the policy of compromise with the capitalists and landlords, can defeat the reactionary, anti-popular forces, win a solid majority in parliament, transform it from a tool serving the class interestes of the bourgeoisie into an instrument serving the working people, launch a broad mass struggle outside parliament, smash the resistance of the reactionary forces, and provide the necessary conditions for a peaceful socialist revolution.” [10]
The CPSU’s thesis about the parliamentary way creates serious illusions in the workers’ movement. Many parties completely settle for election work and performance in the parliament. Some of the parties forget that the fight for the interests of workers, working people is a constant task of  communists. Taking part in the parliament is not the goal for a communist party, but only a tool.
The Hungarian Workers’ Party is deeply convinced that socialism will be brought by a new popular socialist revolution. The party’s new programme, which was adopted in 2012, says:
We don’t know which year, which month and which day the new socialist revolution will win. But we know that it will win. It will win when the majority of the people understands through their own experiences that there is only one way to happiness, the new popular socialist revolution, and they will be willing to make an effort for it.[11]
Attitude to social democracy
The CPSU’s 20th congress declared that in order to prevent a world war, the strategic cooperation of communist and social democratic parties is necessary and possible.
Not a few of the misfortunes harussing the world today are due to the fact that in many countries the working class has been split for many years and its different groups do not present a united front, which  only plays into the hands of the reactionary force. Yet, today, in our opinion, the prospect of changing this situation is opening up. Life has put on the agenda many questions which not only demand rapprochement and co-operation between all workers’ parties, but also create real possibilities for the co-operation. The most important of these questions is that of preventing a new war. If the working class come out as a united organised force and acts with firm resolution, there will be no war.”[12]
And the report goes on:
All this places an historic responsibility upon all leaders of the labour movement. The interests of the struggle for peace make it imperetive to find points of contact and on these grounds  to lay the foundations for co-operation, sweeping aside mutual incriminations. Here  co-operatons with those circles of tne socialist movement whose views on the forms of transition to socialism differ from ours is also possible and essential. Among them are not a few people who are honestly mistaken on this question, but this is no obstacle for co-operation.Today many Social-Democrates stand for  active struggle against the war danger and militarism, for rapproachment with the socialist countries, for unity of the labour movement.We sincerely greet these Social-Democrats and are willing to do everything necessary to join our efforts in the struggle for the noble cause of upholding peace and the interests of the working people.”[13]
The programme accepted at the CPSU’s 22nd congress is even more clear:
The Communist parties favor cooperation with the Social-Democratic parties not only in the struggle for peace, for better living conditions of the working people, and for the preservation and extension of their democratic rights and freedoms, but also in the struggle to win power and build a socialist society.”  [14]
Social democracy in the 19th century grew from the working masses of the capitalist countries, the trade union movement. They also dreamt about socialism, like communists, but in a long-long term, and on a daily basis they wanted to end the unfairness of capitalism, to make capitalist order nicer. Revolutionary Marxists never agreed with that, as capitalism, even in its best, most democratic and richest form is built on the exploitation of the working masses. Revolutionary Marxists always aimed for the creation of socialism.
But after the WW2 social democracy has undergone an essential change. There was plenty of money in the course of growth of general european well-being after the war. This made it possible for capitalist social democratic parties to give more to the masses, to create the so called „the welfare state”. In turn, the existence of the socialist world, where masses had the right to work, rest and access to free health care, forced the capitalist parties to do so. The so called „welfare state” in reality meant that a minority of rich peope lived on a very high standarf of living. The middle classes and a part of the working masses got much better conditions than before. The standard of living of large masses of working people, not speaking about the rising number of foreign migrants changed only to a limited degree.
After the economic difficulties of the 80’s they had less money. The socialist world collapsed, the external coercive force disappeared. Capitalist governments gave up the generous policy of the so called „welfare state”, and social democracy in turn declared the concept of the 3rd way. Since the 80’s socialism is not the goal, and they even gave up the previous traditional demands of social democracy and started to carry out neoliberal policies.
Social democracy played a significant role in undermining, weakening the socialist countries.. Under the slogans of the „Ostpolitik”, the „disarmament” and the „European cooperation” they actively took part in the preparation of the counter revolutions of 1989-91.
In the former socialist countries several parties emerged under the name socialist or social democrat. These parties are fundamentally different from Western paries because they have no social democratic past at all, no trade  union background, they are not connected by their traditions to the workers. These parties, including the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), from the first moment have been active participants of the capitalist counter revolutions of 1989-91, and became one of the pillars of the capitalist system. Their task is to mislead and manipulate working masses, to stabilise capitalism.
Experiences of the revolution in 1917 and the 90 years that have passed since clearly show that the goals of communists and social democrats are fundamentally different.
Experiences of Hungarian history prove that Hungarian social democrats betrayed the interests of the workers in 1919 and in 1898-90 as well. They gave up the communists to the gendarmerie of the Horthy-era and even nowadays they do not shy away from legal and governmental attacks on communists.
The 90 years since 1917 clearly show: if communists under conditions of capitalit system  cooperate with social democrats in strategic questions, if they govern together, then this is always the communists who „pull the shorter” and who pay the biggest price.
The way of costruction socialism
The leadership of the CPSU after 1956, seeing the successes of socialism, made a false and in retrospect fatal conclusion: the victory of socialism is final and irreversible. The 22nd congress describes the party’s new strategy, the construction of the communist society.
„The Communist Party of the Soviet Union adopts its Third Program – the program of communist construction.”
The material and technical base of communism will be built up by the end of the second decade (1971-80), ensuring an abundance of material and cultural  values for the whole population, Soviet society will come close to a stage where it can introduce the principle of distribution according to needs, and there will be a gradual transition to one form of ownership – public ownership. Thus, a communist society will in the main be built in the USSR.” [15]
 The programme of the RCWP-CPSU correctly states:
Furthermore, the successful accomplishment of many tasks of socialist development, including the elimination of class antagonisms, led to the emergence in the party and the people of the illusion of consistency of further moving forward. This illusion of possibility to achieve quickly, withoit struggle, the  higher phase of communism was fixed in the third  party Programme, adopted in 1961. That demobilized the party, the working class, the toiling masses.  The programm wronglyproclaimed the rejection of the dictatorship of the proletariat and declared the public nature of such entirely class institutions as  a party and a state, thus creating an ideological cover for their petty-bourgeois metamorphosis. The subjectivist approach was used to explain errors and deviations in the construction of socialism by cult of personality. The task of revival of the essence of the power of the Soviets was not even set, workers, already fragmented organizationally, now were ideologically disarmed at the face of a rising wave of the petty-bourgeois. This disarmament of the party and the workers was based on the official proclamation of the “final” victory of socialism in our country .”[16]
The decision of the CPSU was a strategical mistake which affected the other socialist countries too. After the 20th congress they increasingly underestimated the necessity of class struggle. They disregarded the fact that the representatives of the old ruling classes and their descendants were still alive, the implementation of the elements of a market economy contributed to the revival of the bourgeois forces. Parties were not prepared for actual class struggle.
Later under the flag of Gorbatchev’s perestroika, glasnosty, modernisation, rapprochement with Europe  they introduced multi-party system, allowedand even helped the activity of the parties which were against socialism. With the false slogan of depolitisation they took out the army and the national security organs from under the control of the party and the people. System changes were prepared and carried out almost everywhere by reformist-opportunist forces. These forces deliberately crossed the border, beyond which we are talking not about the reform of socialism, but about the introduction of the capitalist system.
***
The socialist revolution in Russia in 1917 confirmed the correctness of Marxist-Leninist theory on the inevitability of the socialist revolution and the transition of humanity from the capitalist economic system to communism, the first phase of which is socialism. It was in October 1917 in Russia that a great historical epoch of transition of humanity from capitalism to socialism started.
Today, as never before, it is clear: The great October socialist revolution – the main event not only in the 20th century, but in the whole history of mankind, the event that showed the way of progressive development for many decades to come. In the result of the Great October revolution was dispelled the myth of the eternity of capitalism, capitalism ceased to be a world system. Since that time in the world exist two opposite social-economic systems, the struggle between them became the main form of manifestation of the main contradiction of the modern era – the contradiction between labor and capital.
The Great October inseparably interwined with the memory of the 20th century Hungarian socialism too. The successes of socialism proved that the Hungarian workers, the working people can manage being in power, creating a better life for millions, secure the survival and development of the Hungarian nation. Hungarian workers can still be proud of those decades, can draw strength to fight against capital system.  This is the legacy of the Great October.
There was a lot of good in Hungarian socialism, though not everything was good. But undoubtedly there were much more things that could have been called successes, results. And it’s also beyond doubt that despite all its problems and mistakes that socialism was better, more successful and more humane than today’s capitalism.
The Hungarian Workers’ Party is following the footsteps of the Great October. We want socialism. We have learnt from the history of socialism. We are convinced that a new socialist society will give even more and even better.
 President of the Hungarian Workers’ Party.
[1]https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch01.htm#007
[2] http://aszabadsag.hu/Archiv/Dokumentumok/2007_38sz.pdf
[3] http://inter.kke.gr/en/articles/18th-Congress-Resolution-on-Socialism/
[4]Report of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to the 20th Party Congress. Foreign Languages Publishing House. Moscow 1956. Page 7.
[5]ibid, page 8
[6]ibid, page 13
[7]Program of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. International Publishers Co.,Inc., 1963.  Page 62
[8] ibid,  page 65
[9]  Report of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to the 20th Party Congress. Foreign Languages Publishing House. Moscow 1956. Pp.45-46
[10]Program of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. International Publishers Co.,Inc., 1963
[11]http://2010-2015.munkaspart.hu/component/content/article/1169
[12]Report of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to the 20th Party Congress. Foreign Languages Publishing House. Moscow 1956. Page 24
[13]ibid
[14]Program of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. International Publishers Co.,Inc., 1963.  Page 49
[15]Program of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. International Publishers Co.,Inc., 1963.  Page 74
[16]http://rkrp-rpk.ru/content/view/5/47/
“Achievements and successes of the working class in socialism”, presented by the KKE in Athens

Monday, July 17, 2017

“Achievements and successes of the working class in socialism”, presented by the KKE in Athens

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/07/achievements-and-successes-of-working.html
Τhe work “Achievements and successes of the working class in socialism”, published by “Synchroni Epochi”, was presented by the KKE’s Central Committee, on July 12th in Egaleo, Athens.
Our future isn’t capitalism. It is the new world, socialism”! This slogan was shouted by hundreds of members and friends of the KKE and KNE at “Alexis Minotis” municipal theatre of Egaleo, where the publication was presented. Working people from various sectors, who live the intensive capitalist exploitation, listened with interest the significant information that the new publication contains and which proves the superiority of the socialist system. The publication- a result of a collective effort by the Central Committee’s department for Labor and Trade Union work- consists part of the KKE’s greater multiform activity for the 100th anniversary of the October Socialist Revolution .
Major speakers at the event were Yannis Protoulis, member of the Political Bureau of the CC of the KKE, Stefanos Loukas and Vivi Dagka, members of the CC of the Party. The cultural programme of the event included recitation of Bertolt Brecht’s poems, from Greek poet Kostas Varnalis’ work “What I saw in Soviets’ Russia”, revolutionary soviet songs and the hymn of Comintern.
KKE politburo member Yannis Protoulis refered to the reasons which led to the counterrevolution:
 
(abstracts from his speech)
“This is a publication that takes its place next to the Declaration of the CC, next to the many publications of the Party that have been issued and those that will follow in the battle for knowledge, so that the truth will shine against slander, mud and distortion and, at the same time, for the invigoration of the fruitful debate for today’s way out from the system of capitalist exploitation, of crises and imperialist wars.
We are addressing a special call. A call to give a great battle to conquer and spread the knowledge, the truth for socialism that mankind met. A fight which is inextricably connected with the pioneering struggle which is developed by the members, friends and collaborators of the KKE on all the acute problems faced by the working class, the youth.”
“The socialist construction in the 20th century, which began with the Red October, proved that the labor movement can create revolutions and prevail, can win in only one country or a group of countries. It proved that this is not a utopia, it was constructed for decades.
An important aspect is that the workers’ achievements in socialist states, for many decades, had been a point of reference and contributed to the conquest of achievements by the labor-popular movement of capitalist societies”.
“The KKE was and remains unwavering in defending the USSR socialist course’s offer, in general the socialist construction during the 20th century, in the struggle for social progress, for the abolition of exploitation of man by man.
We highlight the contradictions, the mistakes and the deviations under the pressur of the international correlation of forces, without leading ourselves to nihilism.
Since the early 1990s, we have characterized the 1989-1991 devenopments as a victory of the counterrevolution, as an overthrow. We reject the term “collapse”, because it downgrades the counter-revolutionary activity, the social base in which it can be developed and dominate, due to weaknesses and deviations of the subjective factor during the socialist construction, as it happened.
Life showed that the problems which were presented had not been properly interpreted and hadn’t been dealt on the basis of strengthening and expanding the communist relations, the central planning, the socialization, the workers-social control.
Thus, insteading of seeking a solution onwards, to the expansion and strengthening of the communist relations of production and distribution, it was sought backwards, in the widening of the market, in “socialism with market”, that is the utilization of tools and production relations of capitalism.”
Protoulis also referenced to the 20th Congress of the CPSU in 1956 as a “turning point” where various opportunist perceptions were adopted, as well as to the “Kosygin reforms” and the consequent weaking of the central planning. 
Among other things, Yannis Protoulis mentioned:
“The bourgeois propaganda of the “sovietologists” continues today, turning white into black. It projects the concepts of “democracy” and “freedom” through the bourgeois criteria, not the ones of the workers of course, but for the capitalists. Freedom to exploit, to have people in their work, to be the bosses, to live and enrich from the hard labor of the others and, as a democracy they mean the one which stops at the gates of their enterprises.
The real content of freedom and democracy in capitalism is the economic coercion of wage slavery and the dictatorship of the capital in society in general and especially within capitalist enterprises.
The greatest achievement which made possible the realization of all the rest after the October Revolution was the revolutionary workers’ power, the dictatorship of the proletariat as a state which expressed the interersts of social majority of the exploited ones and not the social minority of the exploiters. It emerged as a superior form of democracy.”
Source: Rizospastis / Translation: In Defense of Communism.
KKE politburo member G.Marinos in Venezuela: “We must walk in the steps of the October Revolution”

Tuesday, July 11, 2017

KKE politburo member G.Marinos in Venezuela: “We must walk in the steps of the October Revolution”

In the 15th Congress of the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV) which took place between 22 and 25th of June in Caracas, the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) was represented by its Political Bureau member Giorgos Marinos and Dimitris Karagiannis, member of the international relations section of the CC and journalist in ‘Rizospastis’. 

 
On June 21st, the PCV organised the 2nd International Ideological Seminar with the subject being “The timeliness of Lenin in the 100 years of the Great Socialist Revolution”, in which 18 Communist and Workers Parties participated.
 
What follows is the speech by Giorgos Marinos, reproduced from inter.kke.gr:
We honour the 100th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, of the world-historic event of international significance, which demonstrated that capitalism is not invincible. The working class, the leading class of society with its allies have the strength to overthrow capitalism and construct the socialist society.
Whatever the supporters and apologists of capitalism do, they cannot erase the fact that this system has already entered a course of degeneration and decay, is becoming more reactionary and dangerous, is identified with the poverty of millions, with unemployment and capitalist crises.
Whatever the apologists of the system do, they cannot conceal the fact that two world imperialist wars were created by capitalism, as well as hundreds of local and regional wars and today we see the danger of a generalized military conflict.
The persecutions against communists and militant workers cannot stop the forward march of history. Social development does not stop, it is an objective process where the new social relations and the leading classes that express them in the class struggle, the motor force of history, overthrow the old social relations.
However painful the consequences of the counterrevolution are, the Leninist position is still of great importance: “We have made the start. When, at what date and time, and the proletarians of which nation will complete this process is not important. The important thing is that the ice has been broken; the road is open, the way has been shown.”
We struggle in the conditions of monopoly capitalism, imperialism, with its basic characteristic being the dominance of the monopolies, which are the product of the concentration and centralization of capital.
At the end of the 19th century, Marx and Engels had already noted in Capital that the “centralization of the means of production and socialization of labour at last reach a point where they become incompatible with their capitalist integument. Thus integument is burst asunder. The knell of capitalist private property sounds. The expropriators are expropriated.”
This is the great necessity. The abolition of private capitalist ownership that negates the potential for all the workers to live in conditions that correspond to their increasing human needs, with work, free time, housing, high level exclusively public and free education, health, welfare, culture, sports.
The necessity of socialism flows from the sharpening of the basic contradiction of system, the contradiction between the social character of production and labour and the capitalist appropriation of the results. Our era is the era of transition from capitalism to socialism and this has historical and international dimensions.
However, as the experience from the class struggle teaches us, despite the fact that the material conditions for the new society mature under capitalism, for there to be a change of system there must be a socialist revolution.
This revolution requires the creation of a revolutionary situation that is defined according to Lenin by the following factors:
  • Those “above” (the ruling class of the capitalists) cannot govern and run the administration as they did in the past.
  • Those “below” (the working class and the popular strata) do not want to live as they did in the past.
  • An extraordinary rise in the activity of masses is observed.
The appearance of such a favourable situation has an objective character, but each revolutionary situation must be combined with the revolutionary uprising of the working class, led by the CP, its conscious vanguard, which must be equipped with the Marxist-Leninist worldview and be capable of leading the socialist revolution.
Despite the fact that it cannot be predicted when and how the revolutionary situation will manifest itself, historical experience highlighted the manifestation of a deep and synchronized capitalist crisis, combined with the outbreak of an imperialist war as being important factors.
The course of the Bolsheviks to the victorious October revolution passed through the “fire” of the harsh persecutions of the Tsarist absolutist state, of the strike and other tough conflicts connected to the revolution of 1905, which despite its defeat was a trial that contributed to the preparation of the oppressed for the victory of the revolution.
The Soviets were born in the revolution of 1905, the seeds of workers’ power.
In this period, Lenin assessed that the revolution should establish a temporary revolutionary government, the “democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry”, for the convening of the constituent assembly, universal voting rights, agricultural reforms etc. This power would eradicate the vestiges of Tsarism and would spark the proletarian revolution in the advanced capitalist Western Europe.
The entrance of Russia in the 1st World War sharpened the social contradictions. The defeats of the Russian army at the front, the loss of territories caused significant discontent, not only amongst the workers and peasants who were suffering due to the destruction of war, but also amongst the bourgeois class of Russia.
The plans of the bourgeoisie to overthrow the Tsar were combined with major popular mobilizations and strikes, which were carried out in February 1917, as a result of the rapid intensification of the social problems. The formation of a revolutionary situation, the mass political activity of the workers and peasants organized in the Soviets, the disintegration of the army, led in the end to the revolutionary overthrow of the Tsar.
The Provisional Democratic Government was established by representatives of the bourgeois liberal parties of Russia and constituted an organ of bourgeois power. At the same time,however, the mass political struggle of the workers and peasants brought to the surface the organization of the armed masses that participated in the overthrow of the Tsar via the Soviets.
The Mensheviks and the SRs dominated the Soviets in this period and supported the Provisional Democratic Government. This situation was characterized by Lenin as being “dual power”.
Lenin studied the February revolution, assessed that power had passed into the hands of the bourgeois class and that the bourgeois-democratic revolution had been completed and with the “April Theses” he adjusted the strategy of the Bolsheviks for the overthrow of bourgeois power and the socialist revolution.
The adaptation of the tactics, the slogans to the needs of strategy and of the revolutionary struggle led Lenin to withdraw the slogan “All power to the Soviets” in July 1917, when the repression of the Provisional Government had escalated and brought it back in September when the Bolsheviks had won the majority in the Soviets of Moscow and Petrograd, giving it new content, as a slogan for the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the revolutionary uprising.
The decisiveness of Lenin and those from the leadership of the Bolsheviks who supported his positions led in the end to the victorious socialist revolution on October 25 (November 7, according to the new calendar) 1917.
We must underline the decisive importance of the important events and political choices, such as:
  • The separation of the Bolsheviks from the Mensheviks at the 2nd Congress (1903), the formation of a separate party (1912), the intense constant struggle against opportunism.
  • The systematic theoretical efforts for the development of the strategic view of the Bolshevik party for the socialist revolution that matured in the difficult conditions of the 1905-1917 period.
  • The tireless efforts for the preparation of the subjective factor, the party, the working class and its allies.
  • The consistent communist stance against imperialist war and the tireless struggle against the bourgeois class in all conditions.
  • The prediction of the changes in the correlation of forces and the correct decisions gave the Bolsheviks the initiative.
A decisive contribution for the formation of the strategy of the socialist revolution was provided by the study of capitalism in Tsarist Russia, of the characteristics of monopoly capitalism-imperialism (in the work “Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism”), of the stance towards the bourgeois state and the character of workers’ power, i.e. the dictatorship of the proletariat (“State and Revolution”) and other valuable works.
These elaborations highlighted the potential for the socialization of the concentrated means of production in the era of monopoly capitalism and also the potential created by uneven economic-political development and the sharpening of the inter-imperialist contradictions in order for the weakest link in the imperialist chain to break and for the efforts for socialist construction in one country or in a group of countries to begin.
Soviet power paved the way for the abolition of capitalist relations of production and this was what dealt with the intense problems of the workers (land, bread, peace) and not bourgeois power or some form of “intermediate” power, which in reality cannot exist.
Giorgos Marinos (Archive Photo).
The October Revolution confirmed the leading role of the revolutionary communist party, the need to rally the working class against the power of capital, the need to draw the poor peasantry and the other middle strata to the revolution, and to render other sections neutral. The historically outdated and reactionary character of the bourgeois class, the necessity of not participating or supporting a government in the framework of capitalism, the non-existence of transitional forms of power between capitalism and socialism, the need to smash the bourgeois state.
The October Revolution led to the building of another superior society, with as its basic characteristic the abolition of the exploitation of man by man.
The right to work and the eradication of unemployment were secured in the USSR. The foundations were laid for the abolition of discrimination against women. Science developed very rapidly. Free education at all levels, free high-quality health-care for all the people, and universal access to culture and sports were ensured. Institutions were created that would safeguard the substantial participation of the workers in building the new society.
This was a historically significant leap in conditions of the backwardness of pre-revolutionary Russia in comparison to the powerful capitalist states, in conditions of imperialist encirclement and pressure, with the grave consequences from the 1st and 2nd World Wars, in the latter the USSR made the decisive contribution to the defeat of fascism, with 20 million dead and enormous material destruction.
Socialist construction in the USSR was not free of problems. Until the Second World War, in the USSR the struggle for the development of the communist relations of production, the abolition of wage labour and the dominance of the socialized sector of production on the basis of Central Planning was generally successful.
After the Second World War, socialist construction faced new challenges and demands that were interpreted as inevitable weaknesses existing in the nature of central planning and not as a result of the contradictions of the survival of the old, as a result of the mistakes of the non-scientifically elaborated plan.
Thus, instead of seeking a solution towards the invigoration and expansion of the communist relations of production and distribution, it was sought backwards, i.e. in the exploitation of tools and production relations of capitalism. The solution was sought in the expansion of the market, in “market socialism”.
The 20th CPSU Congress (1956) stands out as a turning point because in that, with the vehicle being the so-called “personality cult”, a series of opportunist positions were adopted on the issues of the communist movement strategy, while the central management of the economy was weakened.
A few years later, beginning with the so-called “Kosygin reforms” (1965), the bourgeois category of “business profit” of each individual production unit was adopted and the wages of managers and workers were linked to it.
The individual interest was strengthened at the expense of the social interest and the communist consciousness was damaged. The so-called “shadow capital” emerged that sought its legal function as capital in production, the restoration of capitalism. Its (the capital’s) owners constituted the driving force of the counter-revolution.
In about the same period, the Marxist-Leninist perception about the workers’ state was also revised. The 22nd Congress of the CPSU (1961) described the USSR state as an “all-people’s” state and the CPSU as an “all-people’s party”.These positions led to the mutation of the revolutionary characteristics and social composition of the party. The transformation of the CPSU’s opportunist degeneration into an open counter-revolutionary force was manifested by the policy of “Perestroika” and “Glasnost”.
The KKE tried all these years to study the contemporary developments, to draw conclusions from the historical experience of the class struggle in Greece and internationally and, at the same time, to deepen and expand its militant ties with the working class and the popular strata. It tries not to detach the daily struggle from the main revolutionary political task of overthrowing the power of capital
he KKE has charted a modern revolutionary strategy increases its ability to organize leading sites of resistance and counterattack in every sector of the economy, every large workplace, in every region of the country,with an anti-capitalist/anti-monopoly line of struggle, to prepare the working class and people in the instance of an imperialist war.
The ideological-political and organizational strengthening of the KKE, which was an important issue at the recent 20th Congress of the Party, constitutes a prerequisite for the promotion of its revolutionary policy.
An integral part of the KKE’s contemporary strategy is its programmatic perception on the socialist character of the revolution. Socialist construction begins with the revolutionary conquest of power by the working class. The workers’ state, the dictatorship of the proletariat, is an instrument of the working class in the class struggle which continues in socialism with other forms and means. It is utilized for the planned development of the new social relations, which presupposes the suppression of the counter-revolutionary efforts, but also the development of the communist consciousness of the working class. The qualitatively new feature of workers’ power is the transformation of the workplace into the core of society’s organization.
The Programme of the KKE states:
The concentrated means of production are socialized, but initially there remain forms of individual and group ownership that constitute the basis for the existence of commodity-money relation. Forms of productive cooperatives are formed, where the level of the forces of production still does not allow the socialization of the means of production. The forms of group ownership consist a transitional form of ownership, between the private and the social one, and not an immature form of communist relations.
On the basis of social ownership of the centralized means of production, the central planning of the economy develops as a communist relation that connects all the producers.
At the same time, the KKE struggles for the regroupment of the international communist movement, according to the principles of proletarian internationalism, the internationalist solidarity of the people against capitalism and imperialist war, which is expressed in the slogan “Workers of all countries unite!”.Its supports the efforts for the creation of a distinct pole based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism , through the “International Communist Review” and the European Communist Initiative.
The study of the experience of the October Revolution and the events that will be held will be effective to the extent that the communist movement stands up and fights against the negative correlation of forces, examining in a strict way and changing the line of intermediate stages and the so-called leftwing governments. This step will contribute decisively to the adaptation of the strategy of the CPs to the character of our era, the era of the transition from capitalism to socialism, which also determines the socialist character of the revolution.
The struggle for the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism, for the socialist revolution must leave its imprint on the everyday activity, political line of every CP so that they play the leading role in organizing the working class, to preparing it to meet the challenges of the class struggle.
This year, 100 years after the Great October Revolution, we must intensify our efforts to strengthen the struggle for the revolutionary regroupment of the international communist movement.
The October Revolution, the construction of socialism in the USSR and the painful experience from the counterrevolution highlights the need for a revolutionary strategy and the strict observance of the laws of socialist construction, for workers’ power, the socialization of the means of production, central planning and workers’-social control. This is the basis for the abolition of the exploitation of man by man, in opposition to the caricatures and arbitrary fantasies about “21st Century Socialism” and “Market Socialism” which are features of the counterrevolution and function within the the framework of capitalism.
The communist movement has a great history and has made a significant contribution to the abolition of exploitation and today must learn from history, must be guided by our worldview and what Marx and Engels wrote in 1848 remains very relevant:
“The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Workers of All Countries, Unite!”
 
We thank the CP of Venezuela and we wish it every success in its Congress. The KKE has always stood unwaveringly at the side of the CP of Venezuela and continues on this path. Our party denounces the imperialist interventions and expresses its internationalist solidarity with the working class, the people of Venezuela and the other countries of Latin America. The interests of the working class lie in strengthening its struggle against the bourgeois class and the capitalist shackles, in fighting for worker’s power and to become the owners of the wealth they produce, in constructing socialism-communism.