Category: class struggle
Party of Labour of Austria: The new goverment of the capital! – Die neue Regierung des Kapitals!

Wednesday, December 27, 2017

Party of Labour of Austria: The new goverment of the capital! – Die neue Regierung des Kapitals!

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/12/party-of-labour-of-austria-new.html
Statement by the Party of Labour of Austria (PdA) on the formation of the new coalition government of Austria. 
The new government is fixed. The last weeks of coalition negotiations between ÖVP (Austrian People’s Party) and FPÖ (Freedom Party of Austria) already rudimentarily showed what awaits the working class and the Austrian people. The implementation of the decided measures and reforms would lead to an immediate deterioration of the working and living conditions of the wide majority of the population. The primary goal is to strengthen capital’s position in the country. 
With the 12-hour-working day and the 60-hour-working week – already a reality for quite some time for a lot of workers in several branches – we return to conditions which once seemed to be long ago obsolete. Not only workers’ rights, but also hard-won democratic rights are being threatened. The occupation of ministerial posts, which are supposed to administrate and lead the armed wing of the bourgeois state, by some of the most reactionary members of the bourgeois political personnel of the country, is definitely an alarming development. A main topic of this government, which shall serve as a smoke-grenade for the lamination of the social ferocities, is also the restriction in the refugee-policy. Benefits are to be cut; the human right to shelter is to be largely abolished. Of course, the problems of the labour market are not at all being solved in this way.
As far as international relations are concerned, it becomes obvious that the new government – exactly as all the previous ones – will not only not question Austria’s position in the EU and other imperialist alliances, but will even strive to strengthen it. In the interest of the Austrian and foreign monopoly capital, neutrality has already long ago become an empty shell; now full integration in the military structures of the EU and NATO is impending. The consequences of such a development can only be devastating for the Austrian people and other peoples, as thereby Austria will be involved more and more in the armament plans and the imperialist deployment plans of the “West”. This will also lead to an increase in military spending. 
Resistance against the anti-workers and anti-peoples policies can be waged only from below, from the people themselves. To rely on the bourgeois opposition parties or even to leave them the initiative will lead to defeats and disappointments in the longer term. The recent past showed that. It is also certain that within the framework of contradictions between the bourgeois parties and the different capital-fractions there will be various forces that will attempt to exploit the frustration and anger of the population to serve their interests. The SPÖ (Social Democratic Party of Austria) already attempts to present itself as a “progressive” and “workers-friendly” opposition and alternative, in order to keep the working people trapped within the established system. With its dominance in the trade union and workers’ movement it remains eventually the decisive column of capital it always was, by making in advance every protest and struggle toothless and maintaining parliamentary illusions among the workers. After all, the new government program is basically the continuation of the anti-peoples policy of the SPÖ-ÖVP-governments under aggravated conditions and as the so-called “Plan A” (of SPÖ) already have shown, social democracy set by itself the course to make “compromises” on central questions – such as the flexibilisation of working time –possible. 
However, with rotten compromises, empty promises and false hopes the situation will change only to the worse. Against such practices, it must be sought that the measures and reforms won’t be implemented. This can be achieved only through consistent resistance and actual mass actions. Only if this policy meets determined resistance, can it be prevented. This presupposes that the working people and all affected popular strata become conscious of their own interests and, in order to defend them, organise themselves independently and become themselves active, without becoming the vehicle of bourgeois parties on their way to governmental power. To wait for the election of a new government, which promises a change of policy, can only lead to passivity, impotence and new disappointments. 
Especially the working class must play a leading role in this struggle. For this, it must deprive the employer-friendly forces of “social partnership” of its confidence in trade unions, the workers’ chamber and all mass organisations and take up the struggle together with the forces of class struggle. It takes strong class-oriented trade unions and mass organisations. It takes an alliance with all popular strata in town and country affected by the policies of the governments of capital and monopoly capital, with the working, student and school youth, with a militant women’s movement and a consistent movement against any participation of Austria in imperialist alliances. 
Under these conditions, the Party of Labour of Austria wants with its principles and its political proposition to give an actual alternative and perspective to the people. It is a political party independent from the interests and influence of any fraction of the ruling class and monopoly capital. It feels devoted and obliged only to the working class, the people of Austria and the international solidarity among the workers. It sees as its historical task to help the working people to empower themselves and obtain through their own struggle what they deserve: a life that corresponds to the modern needs and is possible under today’s tremendous development of productive forces; a life without overwork, deprivations, fear of unemployment and poverty; a life beyond lack of medical maintenance and care, education and cultural offers for the wider masses; a life without exploitation, wars and pauperisation.
It is on the side of the working people and not in their place that the PdA and its members commit themselves for these goals.
In order that this system and their representatives tremble with fear of the people and keep their hand off our hard-won rights, we must here and now organise and struggle!
Central Committee of the Party of Labour of Austria
Vienna, 18th December 2017

PdA: Die neue Regierung des Kapitals!
People’s Party leader Sebastian Kurz, left,
and Freedom Party leader Heinz-Christian Strache.
Die neue Regierung steht fest. Was die ArbeiterInnenklasse und das österreichische Volk erwartet, haben die letzten Wochen der Koalitionsverhandlungen zwischen ÖVP und FPÖ ansatzweise gezeigt. Die Umsetzung der beschlossenen Maßnahmen und Reformen würde zu einer unmittelbaren Verschlechterung der Arbeits- und Lebensumstände der breiten Mehrheit der Bevölkerung führen. Das wichtigste Ziel ist es, die Position des Kapitals im Land zu stärken. Mit dem 12-Stunden-Arbeitstag und der 60-Stunden-Arbeitswoche – schon seit Längerem eine Realität für viele Werktätige in etlichen Branchen – kehren wir zu Verhältnissen zurück, die man einst als längst überholt betrachtete. Neben den Arbeitsrechten werden auch verstärkt ebenfalls hart erkämpfte demokratische Rechte bedroht. Die Besetzung kritischer Ministerposten, die den bewaffneten Arm des bürgerlichen Staates verwalten und leiten sollen, durch einige der reaktionärsten Mitglieder des bürgerlichen politischen Personals dieses Landes ist definitiv eine alarmierende Entwicklung. Ein Schwerpunkt dieser Regierung, der als Nebelgranate zur Kaschierung der sozialen Grausamkeiten dienen soll, ist auch die Restriktion in der Flüchtlingspolitik. Unterstützungsleistungen sollen gekürzt, das Menschenrecht auf Schutz weitgehend abgeschafft werden. Die Probleme am Arbeitsmarkt werden dadurch freilich überhaupt nicht gelöst. 
Was die internationalen Beziehungen angeht, wird es deutlich, dass die neue Regierung, genau wie alle vorigen, die Position Österreichs in der EU und der anderen imperialistischen Bündnisse nicht nur nicht in Frage stellen, sondern sogar zu stärken trachten wird. Die Neutralität ist schon längst im Interesse des österreichischen und ausländischen Monopolkapitals eine leere Hülle ohne Inhalt, nun droht auch noch die vollkommene Integration in die militärischen Strukturen der EU und der NATO. Die Folgen einer solchen Entwicklung können für das österreichische Volk und die anderen Völker nur verheerend sein, da damit Österreich immer stärker in die Aufrüstungspläne und imperialistischen Aufmarschpläne des „Westens“ hineingezogen wird. Auch wird das zu einer Erhöhung der Ausgaben für das Militär führen. 
Widerstand gegen die arbeiterInnen- und volksfeindliche Politik kann nur von unten, nur vom Volk selbst geleistet werden. Sich auf die bürgerlichen Oppositionsparteien zu verlassen oder ihnen sogar die Initiative zu überlassen, wird längerfristig zu Niederlagen und Enttäuschungen führen. Das hat die jüngere Vergangenheit gezeigt. Was auch sicher ist, ist, dass im Rahmen der Gegensätze zwischen den bürgerlichen Parteien und den verschiedenen Kapitalfraktionen, unterschiedliche Kräfte versuchen werden, den Frust und den Zorn der Bevölkerung in ihrem Interesse auszunutzen. Die SPÖ versucht jetzt schon, sich als “progressive” und “arbeiterfreundliche” Opposition und Alternative aufzustellen, um die Werktätigen innerhalb des bestehenden Systems gefangen zu halten. Mit ihrer Dominanz innerhalb der Gewerkschafts- und ArbeiterInnenbewegung bleibt sie schließlich weiterhin die entscheidende Stütze des Kapitals, die sie immer war, indem sie jeden Protest und Kampf im Vorhinein zahnlos macht und die parlamentarischen Illusionen unter den Werktätigen aufrechterhalten soll. Schließlich wird das neue Regierungsprogramm im Prinzip eine Fortsetzung der volksfeindlichen Politik der SPÖ-ÖVP-Regierungen unter verschärften Verhältnissen sein und wie der sogenannte “Plan A” schon zeigte, hat die Sozialdemokratie von selbst die Weichen gestellt, um bei zentralen Fragen, wie Arbeitszeitflexibilisierung, “Kompromisse” möglich zu machen. 
Mit faulen Kompromissen, leeren Versprechen und falschen Hoffnungen wird sich aber die Lage nur zum Schlechteren ändern. Entgegen solchen Praktiken, muss es darum gehen, dass die Maßnahmen und Reformen der neuen Regierung keine Umsetzung finden. Dies kann nur durch beständigen Widerstand und wirkliche Massenaktionen erreicht werden. Nur wenn diese Politik auf entschlossenen Widerstand stößt, kann sie verhindert werden. Dieser setzt voraus, dass die Werktätigen und alle betroffenen Volkschichten sich ihrer eigenen Interessen bewusst werden und sich zu deren Verteidigung selbstständig organisieren und selbst tätig werden, ohne zum Vehikel bürgerlicher Parteien auf ihrem Weg zur Regierungsmacht zu werden. Auf die Wahl einer neuen Regierung zu warten, die eine andere Politik verspricht, führt zur Passivität und Ohnmacht und zu neuen Enttäuschungen. 
Es ist vor allem die ArbeiterInnenklasse, welche führend in diesem Kampf sein muss. Dazu muss sie den “sozialpartnerschaftlichen”, unternehmerfreundlichen Kräfte in Gewerkschaften, Arbeiterkammer und allen Massenorganisationen ihr Vertrauen entziehen und den Kampf gemeinsam mit den Kräften des Klassenkampfes aufnehmen. Es braucht starke, klassenorientierte Gewerkschaften und Massenorganisationen. Es braucht ein Bündnis mit allen von der Politik der Regierungen des Kapitals und Monopolkapitals betroffenen Volksschichten in Stadt und Land, mit der arbeitenden, studentischen und lernenden Jugend, mit einer kämpferischen Frauenbewegung und einer konsequenten Bewegung gegen jede Beteiligung Österreichs an imperialistischen Bündnissen. 
Die Partei der Arbeit Österreichs möchte mit ihren Grundsätzen und ihrem politischen Angebot in diesem Zusammenhang dem Volk eine tatsächliche Alternative und Perspektive geben. Sie ist eine von den Interessen und dem Einfluss jeglicher Fraktion der herrschenden Klasse und des Monopolkapitals unabhängige politische Partei. Sie fühlt sich nur der ArbeiterInnenklasse und der Bevölkerung Österreichs und der internationalen Solidarität der Werktätigen verbunden und verpflichtet. Sie sieht ihre historische Aufgabe darin, der werktätigen Bevölkerung dazu zu verhelfen, sich selbst zu ermächtigen und über ihren eigenen Kampf das zu bekommen, was ihr zusteht: ein Leben, das den modernen Bedürfnissen entspricht und unter den heutigen riesigen Fortschritten der Produktivkräfte möglich ist. Ein Leben ohne Überarbeitung, Entbehrungen, Angst vor Arbeitslosigkeit und Armut. Ein Leben jenseits von Mängeln an medizinischer Versorgung und Pflege, Bildung und kulturellen Angeboten für die breite Masse. Ein Leben ohne Ausbeutung, Kriege und Elend.
An der Seite der Werktätigen und nicht stellvertretend für sie setzen sich die PdA und ihre Mitglieder für diese Ziele ein.
Damit dieses System und seine Vertreter vor dem Volk zittern und von unseren erkämpften Rechten die Finger lassen, müssen wir uns jetzt und hier organisieren und kämpfen!
Parteivorstand der Partei der Arbeit Österreichs,
Wien, 18. Dezember 2017
Greek state budget: Tsipras’ government is doing the “dirty job” on behalf of the capitalists
| December 20, 2017 | 7:37 pm | Analysis, class struggle, political struggle, Syriza | No comments

Wednesday, December 20, 2017

Greek state budget: Tsipras’ government is doing the “dirty job” on behalf of the capitalists

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/12/greek-state-budget-tsipras-government.html
Speaking yesterday in the Parliament during the discussion on state budget, Prime Minister Tsipras developed the narrative of “post-memorandums Greece”, while presenting his government as the most capable to guarantee the recovery of the capitalists’ profitability.
PM Tsipras, bypassing the class content and character of the 2018 state budget- which, like the previous ones consists a tool for the implementation of the strategy of the capital, by attacking people’s rights, cutting social spending, providing even more tax exemptions to large business groups, etc- said with certainly that “this is the last memorandum budget, we are now doing different things with different results”.
Tsipras himself admitted that, among other things, his government “has implemented reforms that nobody ever dared to make”. In order to support his narrative, the Prime Minister referred to the congratulations that the SYRIZA-ANEL government received from its “partners”, the EU institutions and the markets. In fact, despite his claims about the so-called “fair development” that is coming, PM Tsipras actually confirmed that the antipeople-antiworker attack will continue and will be extended in the “post-memorandum” period.
In his speech about the state budget, Alexis Tsipras assured the capitalists that the SYRIZA government will respect all the antipeople-antiworker commitments it undertook in order to “consolidate its positive achievements”. But the question is the following: Positive achievements for whom? Tsipras himself gave the answer: “The end of the memorandums does not consist words of propaganda but a common place for the markets, the investors, the international bond credit rating businesses”.
The PM didn’t hide that he is committed in continuing the antipeople-antiworkers policy for the benefit of the large capital. He announced that the SYRIZA-ANEL government will implement additional measures in order to support large business groups and create a better investment environment, through new programs of supporting businessmen and measures for a powerful banking system. He pledged to provide “liguidity” to the banks, something that has already began through the ongoing auctions against people’s houses.
NEW DEMOCRACY: “WE ARE BETTER SUPPORTERS OF THE CAPITAL”.
Within the above framework, the political “dogfight” between the government and the opposition party of New Democracy took place. The substance of the argument between them is who can serve the recovery the capital’s profitability in the most efficient way.
Tsipras and Mitsotakis blamed each other in a… race about who is the most credible servant of the capitalists and who could implement, in best possible way, the antipeople measures (also known as “reforms”).
In this context, the President of New Democracy Kyriakos Mitsotakis reiterated his claim that he himself as well as his party are ready to take the leadership of the bourgeois political management, away from the “bonds of suffocating taxation”, by creating a “smaller and more effective” state for the needs of the large business groups and by attracting “investments” through new and more privileges towards the capitalists. “Greece needs a daring plan of radical reconstruction and a determined leadership  that will implement it without hesitations” Mitsotakis said, stating that he is ready to implement- better than Tsipras- the plans of the capital.
With info from “Rizospastis”, 20/12/2017.
The More Things Change, the More they Stay the Same
| December 19, 2017 | 8:43 pm | Africa, class struggle, Imperialism, Kwame Nkrumah | No comments

The More Things Change, the More they Stay the Same

– from Greg Godels is available at:
http://zzs-blg.blogspot.com/

Saturday, December 16, 2017

The More Things Change, the More they Stay the Same

Some fifty years ago, ruling elites throughout the capitalist world settled into their overstuffed chairs and poured drinks to celebrate victory over the aspirations for independence held dear by formerly colonial peoples. In one case– Ghana– a popular leader, a venerated leader of African independence and African unity– was deposed in a 1966 coup sponsored by foreign powers and carried out by national traitors. In the other case– Guyana– the most popular political party for decades, the most determined advocate for independence, was subverted and defeated in the rigged elections prior to the 1966 granting of formal independence.

Both Ghana and Guyana were long subjected to colonial rule, Ghana as part of Britain’s African colonial possessions and Guyana as part of the British empire’s Caribbean colonies. As pressures for independence mounted after the Second World War, both countries spawned dedicated and diligent leaders who had earned the trust of the people. Kwame Nkrumah and his Convention People’s Party (CPP) and Cheddi Jagan and his People’s Progressive Party (PPP) had led their respective country’s fight for independence from the beginning, suffering imprisonment, threats, and trials.
Nkrumah and Jagan shared another characteristic as well, a characteristic that made them the pressing target of imperialism: a vision of social development outside of the confinement of capitalism. They knew that centuries of capitalist exploitation proved that escaping colonial domination would require a parallel break with capitalism and its institutions. In fact, Nkrumah wrote a pioneering work on the inevitable economic subjugation of newly liberated peoples who chose to continue on the capitalist road, Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism. Kwame Nkrumah’s work was both brilliant in its application of Marxism and prescient in anticipating the lingering dependency of the former colonies that choose to remain tangled in the capitalist web.
Dark Days in Ghana
In his 1968 book (Dark Days in Ghana) recounting the circumstances of the coup, Nkrumah noted that many forces were arrayed against his programs from the day of formal independence in 1957. Nonetheless, he and his party were able to implement initiatives to rapidly bring social, cultural, and educational achievements to a high level. By 1961, technical and secondary school enrollment had increased 437.8% and university students 478.8% from pre-independence. In the same period, hospital beds had increased 159.9% and doctors and dentists by 220.5%. Roads increased around 50%, telephones 245.2%, and electrical power generated 38.4%. Ghana had achieved the highest per capita standard of living and highest literacy rate in Africa. And Ghana’s Seven Year Plan was to create a dramatic increase in industry, building upon the increased electrification flowing from the country’s massive Volta dam project.
But Ghana could only move forward if it escaped the raw material trap that nearly all former colonies suffered as the legacy of colonialism and dependency. For Cuba, it was sugar cane, for Chile it was copper, for Guyana, it was bauxite, and for Ghana it was cocoa. Today, of course in Venezuela it is oil. In every case, the colony existed in the past only as a supplier of inexpensive raw materials for the industries of the European colonizers.
In the late 1950s the international price of cocoa rose inordinately. Nkrumah’s party shrewdly taxed the growers to utilize the surplus for social advancement, stabilizing the cost of food and other consumer goods, and supporting the diversification of the Ghanaian economy. But by 1965 the price had collapsed, thus fueling the popular discontent sparked by the enemies of socialism. Raw material prices in the international market became a weapon against socialist development. The parallel with modern day Venezuela, the collapse of oil prices, and the escalation of opposition on all fronts cannot be missed. The economic hardships in Ghana were skillfully transformed into violence. In Nkrumah’s words:
An all-out offensive is being waged against the progressive, independent states. Where the more subtle methods of economic pressure and political subversion have failed to achieve the desired result, there has been a resort to violence in order to promote a change of regime and prepare the way for the establishment of a puppet government.
In addition to manipulating the price of cocoa exports (and Ghana’s import prices of finished goods necessary for industrialization), “..imperialism withheld investment and credit guarantees from potential investors, put pressure on existing providers of credit to the Ghanaian economy, and negated applications for loans made by Ghana to American-dominated financial institutions such as the I.M.F.”
By way of self-criticism, Nkrumah reflects:
We expected opposition to our development plans from the relics of the old “opposition”, from the Anglophile intellectuals and professional elite, and of course from neo-colonists… What we did not perhaps anticipate sufficiently was the backsliding of some of our own party members… who for reasons of personal ambition, and because they only paid lip-service to socialism, sought to destroy the Party.
Corruption proved to be a major problem in Ghana, as it does in every former colony, every emerging nation. The lack of robust democratic institutions– denied by colonial and neo-colonial domination– inevitably produces a corrosive contempt for the common good. Nor do the colonial masters leave proper mechanisms for reining in corruption after they reluctantly accepted independence. Countries like Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina that choose the path of national independence are plagued by this conundrum.
Of course, it is the security services of the imperialist countries that plant the seeds of reaction, nourish the seeds, and organize the harvest. In Ghana, they stirred secessionist sentiments of people in Ashanti, Togoland, and the Northern region. Previously, they had used the secessionist forces in Katanga to destabilize Congo and overthrow the patriot Patrice Lumumba. In our time, ethnic and religious differences were stoked in the former Yugoslavia and throughout the Middle East, including Iraq, Libya, and Syria to destabilize independent governments.
And the monopoly media in the capitalist countries unified around the joint themes that Nkrumah was an unpopular “dictator” and his government was entirely too close to the socialist countries, particularly the Soviet Union. In the aftermath of the coup, a sham event was contrived to demonstrate Nkrumah’s unpopularity.
Much publicity was given in the imperialist press and on T.V., to the pulling down of the statue of myself in front of the National Assembly building in Accra. It was made to appear as angry crowds had torn the statue from its pedestal…But it was not for nothing that no photographs could be produced to show the actual pulling down of the statue… In fact when the statue was pulled down… no unauthorized person was allowed into the area. All those who were there at the time were those brought in by the military… Even the jubilant imperialist press evidently saw nothing strange in publishing photographs of bewildered toddlers, tears running down their checks sitting on a headless statue, while the same imperialist press extolled what it described as a “most popular coup”.
One cannot miss the parallel, thirty-seven years later, with the contrived, but dramatic overturning of the statue of Saddam Hussein in Firdos Square, a staged media extravaganza engineered by US authorities to demonstrate Saddam’s unpopularity.
In retrospect, Nkrumah asserts:
In fact, the fault was that, from the very circumstances in which we found ourselves, we were unable to introduce more “dangerous ideas”… What went wrong in Ghana was not that we attempted to have friendly relations with the countries of the socialist world but that we maintained too friendly relations with the countries of the western bloc.
The champions of national independence, especially the advocates for socialism need to heed this lesson, embracing those “dangerous ideas” that drive the revolutionary process forward, strengthening the hand of the revolutionaries and weakening the hand of the opposition. Backtracking and accommodation are not options.
The West on Trial
If Nkrumah’s Ghana is an example of the engineered coup sponsored by imperialism and its toadies, if the 1966 coup is a repeat of Iran in 1953 and a precursor of Chile in 1973, then the rigged election in Guyana was the prototype for the so-called “color revolutions” sponsored by the US and its allies in the period since the demise of European socialism.
As the leading figure in the post-war independence struggle of what was then the colony known as British Guiana, Cheddi Jagan soon realized that aspirations for independence were thwarted not only by the British administration, but more decisively by the US government. After his party’s sweeping victory in the 1953 House of Assembly elections, the British sent troops and suspended the colonial constitution out of hysterical fear of a Marxist takeover.
Writing in his post-mortem account, The West on Trial: The Fight for Guyana’s Freedom, Jagan noted: “…the main cause, I believe, for the suspension of our constitution was pressure from the government of the United States… We were not surprised, therefore that the US government gave its blessing to the British gunboat diplomacy… Ostensibly, the United States was urging the colonial powers to grant independence to colonial territories. But in reality, the independence was nothing more than the nominal transfer of powers to those who either conformed or showed signs of conforming to US policies.”
From the 1961 elections, where Jagan’s PPP won its third consecutive election, gaining 20 of 35 seats, until formal independence on May 26, 1966, the US poured millions of dollars into every imaginable plan to erode the popular support of the PPP. The opposition promised huge investments and loans that would be forthcoming with a pro-capitalist government. The opposition boycotted or refused to collaborate with any and all development programs or social measures, including a budget.
The capitalist media echoed the opposition with a shrill anti-Communist campaign. “All of this was written at a time when it is alleged that we had destroyed the freedom of the press! We did not own our own daily newspaper to counter the distortions and lies of the press. This is a problem which confronts all national governments interested in change,” Jagan remarked.
Violence was sparked and fanned by the opposition, loudly labelling the PPP “authoritarian.” Racialism between African-origin and Indian-origin Guyanese was stoked. The US labor movement’s infamous AIFLD (a collaboration with the CIA) fomented strikes built upon lies and distortions.
Well-connected US columnist Drew Pearson, writing in March of 1964 explained the US involvement:
The United States permitted Cuba to go Communist purely through default and diplomatic bungling. The problem now is to look ahead and make sure we don’t make the same mistake again… in British Guiana, President Kennedy, having been badly burnt in the Bay of Pigs operations, did look ahead.
Though it was not published at the time, this was the secret reason why Kennedy took his trip to England in the summer of 1963… [It was] only because of Kennedy’s haunting worry that British Guiana would get its independence in July, 1963, and set up another Communist government under the guidance of Fidel Castro.
…[T]he main thing they agreed on was that the British would refuse to grant independence to Guiana because of the general strike against pro-Communist Prime Minister, Cheddi Jagan.
The strike was secretly inspired by a combination of US Central Intelligence money and British intelligence. [A]nother Communist government at the bottom of the one-time American lake has been temporarily stopped.
Pearson acknowledges the massive and determined campaign of destabilization that culminated in a US-sponsored coalition of US-friendly parties edging out the PPP in a calculated, delayed independence. The orchestrated campaign of rumor, lies, and promises was whipped into a powerful counterforce to a popular, independent government. In this regard, Guyana was not different from the many so-called “color revolutions” that are brought to a boil by heavily foreign-funded, non-government organizations. The Defunct AIFLD has been supplanted by Solidarity Center, USAID, the National Endowment for Democracy, the Republican and Democratic Institutes, and myriad other acronymic NGOs that serve US foreign policy in a government-funded, surreptitiously government-funded, or privately funded fashion. Their footprints are all over Georgia, Ukraine, and a host of other countries targeted by US foreign policy.
Lessons from the Past
It should be crystal clear that there is nothing new in the meddling of the US and its allies (and other imperialist centers) in the trajectory of smaller, less powerful countries; neo-colonialism and imperialism are the dominant forms of late monopoly capitalism. Nkrumah details twenty interventions in the affairs of African states alone between December 1962 and March 1967. From the Greek war of national liberation in the aftermath of the Nazi defeat to the latest CIA move, the latest sanction, the latest military threat, the US, in particular, has been promoting and forcing dependency at the expense of the national sovereignty of the peoples.
But lessons can be drawn from the long, difficult struggle for national independence, a history of great sacrifice, fierce and selfless battle, but treachery as well. Nkrumah was right: The only absolute guarantee of national independence is to break the chains to capitalism, to choose the path to socialism. Among the best examples of success are the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), Cuba, and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), all small nations defying the most lethal power ever assembled. When faced with the full brunt of imperialist aggression, the three governments found resolve from their faith in working people, their confidence that working people would unite and fight for a clear, radical vision of social justice, and their refusal to retreat even an inch from principle.
Moreover, borrowing Nkrumah’s words, it is necessary to embrace and press “dangerous ideas,” most necessarily, the idea of command of the state by the agents of change; independence is not possible with the enemies of independence nested in the state.
Nkrumah prefaced his book with excerpts from a letter to him from Richard Wright, the expatriate US author. Wright’s complex, often contradictory relations with progressive movements did not deter him from writing with a feverish intensity:
I say to you publicly and frankly. The burden of suffering that must be borne, impose it upon one generation!  …Be merciful by being stern! If I lived under your regime, I’d ask for this hardness, this coldness…
Make no mistake, Kwame, they are going to come at you with words about democracy; you are going to be pinned to the wall and warned about decency; plump-faced men will mumble academic phrases about “sound” development; men of the cloth will speak unctuously of values and standards; in short, a barrage of concentrated arguments will be hurled at you to persuade you to temper the pace and drive of your movement…
And as you launch your bold programmes, as you call on your people for sacrifices, you can be confident that there are free men beyond the continent of Africa who see deeply enough into life to know and understand what you must do, what you must impose…
Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose.
Greg Godels
zzsblogml@gmail.com
United States of America: The World Champion of Extreme Inequality (UN Special Report)
| December 19, 2017 | 6:59 pm | class struggle, Donald Trump | No comments

Sunday, December 17, 2017

United States of America: The World Champion of Extreme Inequality (UN Special Report)

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/12/united-states-of-america-world-champion_17.html
 
“Today’s United States has proved itself exceptional in ways shockingly at odds with its immense wealth and its founding commitment to human rights,” the United Nations reports.
 
The United States – one of the world’s richest and most powerful countries – is being transformed by President Donald Trump and his Republican Congress into the “world champion of inequality,” according to a scathing new report by the United Nations’ monitor on extreme poverty and human rights.
Special Rapporteur Philip Alston, an Australian academic and law professor at New York University, completed a 15-day fact-finding mission spanning California, Alabama, Georgia, Puerto Rico and West Virginia before making his findings public late last week.
 
He concluded that “instead of realizing its founders’ admirable commitments, today’s United States has proved itself to be exceptional in far more problematic ways that are shockingly at odds with its immense wealth and its founding commitment to human rights. As a result, contrasts between private wealth and public squalor abound.”
 
Alston, who spent time with both public officials and people living in extreme poverty, also dispelled the popular myth that the poor are derived exclusively from ethnic minority groups.
 
There are, according to his report, eight million more white people than African-Americans living below the poverty threshhold. “The face of poverty in America is not only black or Hispanic, but also white, Asian and many other colors,” Alston writes.
 
He also noted common misconceptions among elected officials about the difference between rich and poor, including the notion that “the rich are industrious, entrepreneurial, patriotic and the drivers of economic success [while] the poor are wasters, losers and scammers.
 
“Despite the fact that this is contradicted by the facts, some of the politicians and political appointees with whom I spoke were completely sold on the narrative of such scammers sitting on comfortable sofas, watching color TVs, while surfing on their smartphones, all paid for by welfare.”
 
Among the most alarming findings in Alston’s report is his conclusion regarding Trump’s proposed tax reforms, of which he writes: “The proposed tax-reform package stakes out America’s bid to become the most unequal society in the world, and will greatly increase the already high levels of wealth and income inequality between the richest 1% and the poorest 50% of Americans.
 
“The dramatic cuts in welfare, foreshadowed by Donald Trump and speaker Ryan, and already beginning to be implemented by the administration, will essentially shred crucial dimensions of a safety net that is already full of holes.”
 
Other key indicators in the report include the fact that Americans can expect to live shorter and sicker lives compared to people living in any other rich democracy, and the “health gap” between the United States and its peer countries continues to grow.
 
The report also notes that inequality levels in the United States are far higher than those in most European countries; that 25% of young people live in poverty compared to less than 14% across the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, and that the United States has the highest incarceration rate in the world.
 
As Alston observes: “The United States is one of the world’s richest and most powerful and technologically innovative countries, but neither its wealth nor its power nor its technology is being harnessed to address the situation in which 40 million people continue to live in poverty.”
 
 
Extreme poverty, environmental degradation and toxic hazards in poor communities in the United States are facing increased international scrutiny following an inspection of rural Alabama communities by a United Nations official. The conditions struck the official as shocking and completely out of step with prevailing conditions in the wealthy, developed world.
 
The tour by Philip Alston, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, has cast a light on an issue known well to poverty-blighted communities and oppressed nationalities in the U.S.: inequitable local policies that safeguard environmental racism by literally concentrating toxic hazards in the backyards of the poor.
 
“Some might ask why a U.N. Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights would visit a country as rich as the United States. But despite great wealth in the U.S., there also exists great poverty and inequality,” Alston said.
 
The U.N. official’s tour aims to provide transparency to the human rights violations, destitution, and lack of access to crucial basic services that have blighted oppressed communities throughout the United States. U.N. investigators have also toured cities and towns in California and Alabama, as well as Washington, D.C., West Virginia and the colonial territory of Puerto Rico.
 
According to Alston, the level of degradation he found can only be compared to the disparities that exist in the poor peripheries of the global economy – where the vast majority of people have known little besides maldevelopment, impoverishment and the institutional violence of inequality.
 
During a tour of a rural Butler County community, Alston witnessed “raw sewage flows from homes through exposed PVC pipes and into open trenches and pits,” with one home’s water line running straight through the fetid outdoor pool.
 
“I think it’s very uncommon in the First World. This is not a sight that one normally sees. I’d have to say that I haven’t seen this,” Alston commented.
 
Prior to the Civil War, the southern Alabama region was a cotton-farming area where antebellum plantation owners exploited the labor of thousands of Black slaves on vast estates.
 
In a fitting and sadly typical sign of the long history of racist terror and institutionalized discrimination in Butler County, the county seat lies a mere two-minute drive from Confederate Park, where a 16-foot marble Confederate soldier has overseen local affairs since 1903.
 
The U.S. Census Bureau estimates that nearly 41 million people in the U.S. live in poverty, ranking the country as the second-highest in terms of poverty rates among wealthy countries.
 
The income disparities and general dispossession of oppressed nationalities such as Black, Native American and Latino communities are reflected by a denial of civil rights, disproportionate levels of exposure to hazardous industrial waste and effluvia, as well as displacement and subjugation at the hands of local authorities who often shoot first and ask questions later.
 
The violence of grinding poverty in the United States has spawned disease outbreaks in the United States that are more typical of nations with substandard sanitary conditions. In recent weeks, Hepatitis A outbreaks have been reported in San Diego, Maine and Southeast Michigan.
 
In Butler County and Lowndes County, Alston also investigated a recent outbreak of E. Coli and Hookworm – the latter of which is a “19th-century disease” commonly found in regions like South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, according to The Guardian.
 
While health experts assumed that basic advances in sanitation caused hookworm to disappear in the 1980s, recent studies reveal that the parasitic disease continues to thrive on a breathtaking scale – especially in areas like Lowndes County, an impoverished region lacking waste disposal infrastructure where 73 percent of the majority-Black population have reported raw sewage inundating their homes due to faulty septic tanks.
 
The prevalence of such diseases is also rooted in a lack of consistent access to clean drinking water, which is often contaminated by the raw sewage effluence from homes that is spread across forests and grassy fields whenever it rains, “spreading the waste and the pathogens it contains, generating toxic conditions, repulsive visuals and an overwhelming stench,” according to Al.com.
 
“These two pipes are the raw sewage pipes coming from the house. And you’ve got your main water line here, and it may have a hole in it, so everyone gets sick all at once,” local resident and activist Aaron Thigpen said.
 
“It’s really bad when you’ve got a lot of kids around like there are here. They’re playing ball and the ball goes into the raw sewage, and they don’t know the importance of not handling sewage,” he added.
 
Alston was blistering in his assessment of state and local authorities’ brazen negligence of residents’ needs for basic human services and their disinterest in minimizing environmental harm to poor communities.
 
 
“There is a human right for people to live decently, and that means the government has an obligation to provide people with the essentials of life, which include power, water and sewage service. But if the government says, ‘oh no, we’re not going to do it,’ and leaves you to install very expensive septic tanks, that’s not how it should work,” Alston said.
 
Alston stressed that governments play an instrumental role in addressing the environmental inequalities, illnesses arising from exposure to hazardous waste, and other toxic byproducts of systemic racism.
 
In spite of such clear threats to public safety and social rights, however, the Republican Party is set to pass a tax bill that will shred what remains of U.S. residents’ nearly-nonexistent social safety net, while the Democratic Party has offered little more than lip service in its lackadaisical “resistance” to the offensive being waged by the ultra-rich in the era of Trump.
 
“The idea of human rights is that people have basic dignity and that it’s the role of the government — yes, the government! — to ensure that no one falls below the decent level,” he said.
 
“Civilized society doesn’t say for people to go and make it on your own and if you can’t, bad luck.”
KKE sends powerful message to Tsipras’ government: “The right to strike is non-negotiable, don’t dare to touch it!”

Tuesday, December 5, 2017

KKE sends powerful message to Tsipras’ government: “The right to strike is non-negotiable, don’t dare to touch it!”

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/12/kke-sends-powerful-message-to-tsipras.html
Regarding the SYRIZA-ANEL government’s amendment about the right to strike- which provoked the militant response of Trade Unions and workers – the Press Office of the CC of the Communist Party of Greece issued the following statement:
 
“The SYRIZA-ANEL government broke any record of political impudence and nastiness, bringing, like a thief in the Parliament – and within an irrelevant law proposal in order to vote it quickly- an amendment in order to begin the rupture of the working class’ biggest conquest, which is the right to strike. 
It is a ruthless government, which has no inhibition in order to serve the interests of the capital, a solid pursuit of which is to hit the right of strike, so that “cemetery silence” will prevail in labor places. For that reason, the government receives the congratulations of her “partners” in the EU, for that reason it quickly finishes the antiworker-antipeople “evaluations”. The right to strike, which was conquered with blood and sacrifices, is non-negotiable and whoever dares to touch it will face the working people and the class movement.
 
The KKE calls the working people to strengthen their struggle, to be from tomorrow and everyday out in the streets, to thicken the strike mobilizations during the next days, with the peak being the nationwide strike of December 14th. 
Source: 902.gr / Translation: In Defense of Communism.
SYRIZA government withdraws anti-strike amendment after Trade Unions’ militant reaction
| December 7, 2017 | 8:10 pm | Analysis, class struggle, Greece, Labor, PAME, Syriza | No comments

Tuesday, December 5, 2017

SYRIZA government withdraws anti-strike amendment after Trade Unions’ militant reaction

https://communismgr.blogspot.com/2017/12/syriza-government-withdraws-anti-strike.html
Workers-Trade Unionists invade the Ministry
of Labour in Athens.
The SYRIZA-ANEL coalition government was forced after militant mobilization by PAME and Trade Unions to withdraw a shameful amendment on workers’ strike and other labour issues only hours after they were tabled in parliament. Earlier today (Tuesday), demonstrators supported by the All-Workers Militant Front (PAME) invaded the Ministry of Labor in central Athens, as an act of protest against the antiworker-antipeople measures of the government.
The government’s amendment proposes that for a union to go on strike, at least 50% plus one of active union members must agree. In fact, this measure is a step towards the restriction of the workers’ right to strike and consists an escalation of the government-EU’s attack against the labour movement.
Mass mobilization by PAME and Trade Unions in downtown Athens against the antiworker-
antipeople policies of the SYRIZA-ANEL government.
Workers gathered outside the Ministry of Labour, Athens.
Once again, the “left” government of Alexis Tsipras has proved how ruthless it is when it comes to the satisfaction of the needs of the creditors and the capital. From its side, the KKE, from the very first time, declared “hands down from the right to strike”, thus calling the working people to intensify their struggle against the governmental measures and organise their counterattack with the nationwide strike on December 14th.
Inescapable Contradictions

Inescapable Contradictions

– from Greg Godels is available at:
http://zzs-blg.blogspot.com/

Marxists favor the term “contradiction.”

A discussion of “contradiction” as a Marxist technical term can become quite tangled and obscure, particularly when the discussion proceeds to Hegelian philosophy. But some clear and simple things can be said about contradictions without delving deeply:
  • Marxists use the term to indicate a conflict between elements, social forms, forces, processes, or ideas that expresses a fundamental opposition rather than a conflict that arises by accident or happenstance.
  • Contradictions are not resolvable without an equally fundamental or qualitative change in the antagonists or their relations (Mao Zedong, in his writings, chooses to allow for conflicts [“contradictions”] that are non-antagonistic as well).
Thus, the conflict between dominating and dominated social classes (the capitalists and the working class, for example) represents a contradiction since opposition is fundamental to the nature of the classes and cannot be resolved without a radical and qualitative change in their relations. The dominated class must become dominant or it must eliminate the relationship of domination.
In Marxist revolutionary theory, the class contradiction is the most important contradiction, the contradiction that informs social analysis and socialist strategy.
But other contradictions exist in capitalist society, in politics, in economics, in culture, in foreign policy, and in virtually every aspect of life under capitalism. When class contradictions become particularly acute, they manifest in the sharpening of contradictions in every other aspect of the dominant social form. When the contradictions, the underlying conflicts, result in dysfunctionality, Marxists recognize a systemic crisis.
Contradictions Abound!
Today, in the US, in the wake of the greatest economic downturn since the Crash of 1929, contradictions are found in every aspect of public life. The increasingly apparent class contradiction is exemplified by growing inequality, poverty, and social chaos. The explosive opioid epidemic (recognized only because it has crossed the racial and class “railroad tracks”) generates initiatives from all factions of bourgeois politics. Pundits cry out for punitive action or enhanced social service support, sometimes both. But they fail to locate the causes of the epidemic, causes that are located under the surface of bourgeois society. They fail to recognize that desperate acts accompany desperate circumstances. Wherever poverty and social alienation increase, anti-social, harmful behavior rises as well.
The contradiction between a brutal, uncaring, social regimen and the most fragile, the most marginalized people is as old as class society and the thirst for wealth. The economic ravage of the small towns and cities scattered across the Midwest attest to this contradiction. Capitalists exploited the workers for their labor until they could wring no further profit; then they tossed them aside and left them with no good jobs and no hope. Crime and other destructive behaviors will only increase, unless the contradiction is resolved with a departure from the profit-based system, an alternative profoundly alien to the two major political parties.
They, too, are fraught with contradictions. Both the Democratic and Republican Parties score low in poll approval (see, for example, CNN Poll: Views of DemocraticParty hit lowest mark in 25 years); since 2008, both have failed to advance their programs even when enjoying complete legislative and executive dominance (2009-2010, 2017-); and both parties are afflicted with dissension and division.
The fundamental contradiction in US politics arises from the fact that the two dominant political organizations, the Democratic and Republican Parties, are capitalist parties, yet they pretend to represent the interests of the 70-80% of the US population that have nothing in common with the capitalist class and its loyal servants. While the two parties have skillfully posed as popular while unerringly serving elites, the economic crisis, endless wars, and growing inequality have unmasked their duplicity.
Consequently, factions have broken out in both parties. The Republicans have sought to contain the nativists and racists, the religious zealots, and the isolationists and nationalists within the party while maintaining a corporate agenda. The Democrats have similarly attempted to hold the social liberals, the neo-New Dealers, the social democrats, the environmentalists, and the minorities in a party fundamentally wedded to promoting capitalism and market solutions. Neither strategy can escape the contradictions inherent in a system of two capitalist parties.
The Tea Party movement, Trump, and the Bannonites threaten to shatter the Republican Party. The slick corporate Republicans have lost their magic, unloading vitriol on the vulgar, crass Trump, who deviates from the corporate consensus. The Republican infighting exposes the damage in the party.
The Democrats are exposed as well by the fissure between the Sanders followers and those who are so fearful of working people and wholly beholden to Wall Street and corporate money that they can’t even co-exist with Sanders’ mild reformism. The schism is so great that fundraising has nearly collapsed. And the revelations of DNC collusion with Clinton’s campaign confirmed by Donna Brazile, a long-time ranking insider, demonstrate the rigid, undemocratic nature of the organization. The fact that Brazile also improperly fed debate questions to Clinton only serves to highlight the corruption of the Party and its leaders.
While both Parties are expert at diversion and deflection, the depth of the political crisis, the sharpness of the contradictions, have generated levels of hypocrisy and hysteria unseen since the height of the Cold War. After the debacle of the Clinton Presidential campaign, the Democrats, in collusion with many elements of the security services and most of the monopoly media, mounted a shrill anti-Russia campaign. Crudely, they have relied on the emotional remnants of anti-Sovietism to lodge a host of unsubstantiated charges and a campaign of guilt-by-association. To anyone awake over the last half century or so, the charge of “meddling in the US election” is laughable for its hypocrisy. Have we forgotten Radio Free Europe or Radio Marti? Or a host of other examples?
The high flyers of the stock market– the social media giants– added ridiculous claims of Russian sneakiness to appease the powerful investigative committees and deflect from their own profitable, but vile and socially harmful content.
Reminiscent of the worst days of the so-called McCarthy era, the targeted party– in this case the Republicans– recoiled from the struggle for truth and tried to out-slander the Democrats. Today, they are ranting about an obscure, meaningless uranium deal swung by the Democrats with the wicked Russians.
The first fruits of the farcical Mueller Russian fishing expedition– the Manafort indictment– say nothing about Russia and everything about the corruption infecting US political practices. At best, we will discover that Ukrainian and Russian capitalists are just as corrupt as our own.
Other cracks in capitalist institutions signal intractable contradictions. Both the widespread charges of sexual impropriety in the entertainment industry and the tensions between the players and owners in professional football are symptoms of weaknesses in two of capitalism’s most effective instruments of consensus. Both sports and entertainment are critical mechanisms of distraction that dilute political engagement.
The ever-expanding charges of sexual abuse within the giant entertainment monopolies are spreading to other workplaces, like the government and the news media. While the media are aggressively pursuing the prominent actors, directors, producers, government officials, and other high profile suspects, they wittingly ignore the contradiction that underlies these offenses. In most cases, the malignant behavior grows out of the power asymmetry of employer to employee. Invariably, in these instances, the employee’s reluctance to resist, to come forward, to fight back springs from the fear of retaliation, loss of employment, blacklisting, etc. In other words, it is not akin to other sexual abuses that come from misuse of physical power. Instead, these crimes are possible because of economic power, the power afforded by capitalist economic relations. Indeed, these crimes and similar exercises of employer power exist in many more workplaces and far beyond the world of celebrities. Of course, the corporate media are unwilling to explore the general question of employer abuse that extends beyond celebrities to millions of powerless victims.
Similarly, the conflict over standing for the national anthem is a battle between employees– admittedly among the highest paid in the world– and their employers, the owners of the professional football teams. When Houston Texans owner Robert C. McNair called the players “inmates” it was a not too subtle, vulgar reminder to the players that they are subservient to the owners. What emerged as a legitimate protest against the blacklisting of quarterback Colin Kaepernick has been reshaped by management into a battle over workplace rights and the terms and conditions of employment, a fundamental class contradiction.
Who Rules the World?
As long as capitalism has existed in its mature, monopoly form, it has demonstrated an inherent, relentless global predatory tendency, a form of exploitation that Lenin dubbed “imperialism.” For most of the twentieth century, imperialist governments were obsessed with smashing the leading anti-imperialist force, the socialist countries, while, at the same time, maintaining– often with force– colonial and neo-colonial relations with other nations and nation-states. Thus, the leading contradiction of that era was the opposition between the socialist community, along with its allies in the national liberation movements, and its capitalist adversaries (most often led by the US) and their military blocs (NATO, SEATO, etc.). In mid-century, the capitalist offensive took the virulent form of fascism.
With the demise of the Soviet Union and the dissolution of the socialist community, the US and its most powerful allies declared global victory. Far too much of the unanchored left accepted this declaration, failing to see the various and varied resistance to US and capitalist hegemony springing up throughout the world as fundamentally and objectively anti-imperialist. Far too many disillusioned leftists retreated to vague, moralistic, and decidedly class-blind notions of human rights or humanitarianism, a “leftism” that squared all too neatly and conveniently with the decidedly self-serving concept of “humanitarian interventionism” concocted by the ideologues of imperialism.
But what many foresaw as an “American 21st Century” proved to be an illusion. The basic contradiction between the US and anti-imperialist forces of resistance and independence and the historic contradiction between US imperialism and its imperialist rivals operate as profoundly as they have at any time in the history of imperialism. The dream of “Pax Americana” dissolved before endless wars and aggressions and the emergence of renewed, new, and undaunted oppositional centers of power.
The long-standing Israeli-US strategy of goading and supporting anti-secular, anti-socialist, and anti-democratic movements in emerging nations, especially in predominantly Islamic nations, has failed, even backfired. Though recruited to stifle anti-capitalist movements, these politically backward forces have turned on their masters to stand against occupation and aggression.
The imperialist reaction to these developments has left failed states, environmental disaster, economic chaos, and disastrous conflict in its wake.
In addition, US and NATO destruction has generated a refugee crisis of monumental proportions, flooding the European Union with immigrants and fueling both a surge of anti-immigrant sentiment and the ensuing growth of nationalist politics. Anti-EU and anti-US sentiment grow accordingly.
While the US has not lost its ability to wreak havoc and destruction, it has clearly failed to secure the stability that it had long sought in order to cement the global capitalist order.
Indeed, there are significant sectors of the ruling class that now benefit from the chaos. The military-industrial sector is undergoing a dramatic revival of production and arms sales thanks to the fear and chaos stoked since the end of the Cold War, particularly with newly invented fears of Russian design and aggression along with constantly rising tensions.
The US energy sector, revitalized by new technologies, is now looking to wrestle markets from their traditional suppliers. Many of the sanctions against Russia and the isolation of Qatar and Iran are about capturing natural gas markets in Europe. In this regard, US capitalism benefits from instability and hostility in the Middle East and Africa, where volatility in energy production can only redound to the more stable US suppliers, protected by US military might. The conflict in Nigeria, continued chaos in Libya, the tension between former Iraqi and Kurdish allies, the confounding and disruptive moves by the traditionally staid Saudis, the destabilizing of Venezuela, and, of course, the sanction war with Russia all advantage US energy production.
This contradiction between the post-Cold War avuncular role of the US in guaranteeing the pathways toward global corporate profits and the contrary role of accepting a multi-polar world and forging US policy solely to advantage US capitalism is intensifying. It is a product of the failure of the US to impose what Kautsky (1914) called “ultra-imperialism,” the illusion of collaborative imperialism.
By employing the Marxist conceptual tool of “contradiction,” we are afforded a coherent picture of the crisis facing the capitalist order, particularly in the US. The picture is revealed to be one impervious to the theoretical programs (or anti-programs) favored by the social democrats or anarchists who dominate the US left (and much of the European left). Without a revolutionary left, the forthcoming debates will only be between defending the idealized “peaceful” global order of a stable, regulated capitalism or those salvaging an inward-looking, vulgar nationalism; it will only be between those dreaming of a mythical kingdom of class harmony with a generous net to capture the most disadvantaged and those leaving fate to market forces. All are roads that have long proved to be dead ends.
The intensifying contradictions of capitalism call for another option: a revolutionary movement for socialism.
Greg Godels
zzsblogml@gmail.com