Month: November, 2014
Could a U.S.-Cuba prisoner swap break the ice?
| November 8, 2014 | 11:47 pm | Analysis, Cuban Five, International, National | Comments closed

By Ray Sanchez, Elise Labott and Patrick Oppmann, CNN

updated 6:43 PM EST, Fri November 7, 2014
Source: CNN
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
  • Alan Gross’ imprisonment in Cuba is major impediment to better relations with Havana
  • Cuba says Gross, a U.S. government subcontractor, tried to destabilize its government
  • Reforms in Cuba and changing attitudes in the United States could portend a new beginning
  • Some say it’s time for Gross to be swapped with Cubans held in the U.S.

(CNN) — Alan Gross, a U.S. government subcontractor imprisoned in Cuba for smuggling satellite equipment onto the island, is being held at Havana’s Carlos J. Finlay Military Hospital.

With peeling canary-yellow walls and hordes of people coming and going, the aging building doesn’t look like a place where Cuba would hold its most valuable prisoner.

But police officers and soldiers surround the hospital. Inside, Cuban special forces guard the 65-year-old U.S. citizen, emotionally and physically frail and approaching his fifth year in confinement.

North of the Florida Straits, Gross’ imprisonment is seen as the major impediment to better relations with Havana.

Now, however, midway through the second term of President Barack Obama, several signs of possible change have emerged. Senior administration officials and Cuba observers say reforms on the island and changing attitudes in the United States have created an opening for improved relations.

The signs include the admission this week by senior administration officials that talks about a swap between Gross and three imprisoned Cuban agents — part of group originally known as the Cuban Five — have taken place. In addition, recent editorials in The New York Times have recommended an end to the longstanding U.S. embargo against Cuba and even a prisoner swap for Gross.

Who is Alan Gross?

Gross is serving a 15-year sentence for bringing satellite communications equipment to Cuba as part of his work as a subcontractor for the U.S. Agency for International Development.

U.S. officials said Gross, who is Jewish, was trying to help Cuba’s small Jewish community bypass stringent restrictions on Internet access.

Cuban authorities, however, countered that he was part of a plot to create a “Cuban Spring” and destabilize the island’s single-party Communist system in a clandestine effort to expand Internet access. Gross had traveled to Cuba multiple times as a tourist.

Gross had worked for Development Alternatives Inc., a Maryland-based subcontractor that received a multimillion-dollar U.S. contract for so-called democracy building on the island.

Fulton Armstrong was a senior adviser to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee under then-Sen. John Kerry when Gross was arrested. The subcontractor’s mission, under what Armstrong characterized as USAID “regime-change” programs, was “dangerous and counterproductive,” he said.

Alan Gross ‘withdrawn,’ saying goodbye

A 2012 lawsuit filed by Gross’ wife, Judy, accused USAID and Development Alternatives Inc. of negligence. It said the agencies had a contract “to establish operations supporting the creation of a USAID Mission” in Cuba.

The operation involved the smuggling of parabolic satellite dishes hidden in Styrofoam boogie boards, Armstrong said. Cash was transported to Cuba to finance demonstrations against the Castro regime.

“They were sending this poor guy into one of the most sophisticated counterintelligence operating environments in the world,” said Armstrong, who spent 25 years as a CIA officer. “It was not credible his story about the Jews. It didn’t make sense.”

In March 2011, Gross was tried behind closed doors for two days and convicted of attempting to set up an Internet network for Cuban dissidents “to promote destabilizing activities and subvert constitutional order.”

Wife of Alan Gross says he feels ‘hopeless’

Gross’ lawyer, Scott Gilbert, said years of confinement have taken a toll. His client has lost more than 100 pounds. He is losing his teeth. Gross’ hips are so weak that he can barely walk.

Gross, who has lost vision in one eye, has threatened to take his life, Gilbert said. Frustrated with the lack of progress in his case, the American has refused to see U.S. diplomats who once visited him at least monthly.

“Emotionally, Alan is done,” Gilbert said. “He said goodbye to his family in July. … He has prepared himself, as he has said, to come back to the United States, dead or alive. Time is very short.”

Who are the Cuban Five?

The name may conjure images of the tropical equivalent of the Jackson 5, but the Cuban Five are agents convicted in 2001 for intelligence gathering in Miami. They were part of what was called the Wasp Network, which collected intelligence on prominent Cuban-American exile leaders and U.S. military bases.

The five — Ruben Campa, also known as Fernando Gonzalez; Rene Gonzalez; Gerardo Hernandez; Luis Medina, also known as Ramon Labanino; and Antonio Guerrero — were arrested in September 1998.

Hernandez, the group leader, also was convicted of conspiracy to commit murder for engineering the downing of two planes flown by the exile group Brothers to the Rescue in 1996. He’s serving two life sentences.

Cuban fighter jets shot down the unarmed Cessnas as they flew toward the island, where they had previously dropped anti-government leaflets. Four men died.

At trial, the defendants said their mission was to gather intelligence in Miami to defend Cuba from anti-Castro groups they feared would attack the island. Seven members of the network cooperated with U.S. authorities and are believed to be in witness protection.

In February, Fernando Gonzalez was released from a U.S. federal prison after serving 15 years for failing to register as a foreign agent and possessing forged documents.

In 2011, Rene Gonzalez was released after serving most of his 15-year sentence.

In Cuba, the two spies were welcomed as heroes. They were considered “political prisoners” unjustly punished in American courts. Their faces appeared on billboards throughout the island. State-controlled media labeled them “terrorism fighters.”

A federal appeals court originally threw out their convictions but later reinstated them.

Defense lawyers accused lower courts of unfairly refusing to move the trial to Fort Lauderdale, Florida, from politically charged Miami, where anti-Castro hostility was more prevalent. They also raised serious questions about the jury selection process.

The trial for the Cuban Five was the only judicial proceeding in U.S. history condemned by the U.N. Human Rights Commission. Amnesty International also raised serious doubts about the fairness and impartiality of their trial.

Why do some people believe the time is right for a swap?

Rene Gonzalez, one of the “Cuban Five” group, In 2011, was released after serving most of his 15-year sentence.

With the U.S. midterm elections over, some Cuba observers believe the time is ripe for a breakthrough in relations. As a second-term president, Obama doesn’t have to worry about re-election.

“The political stars are well aligned because both Obama and (Cuban leader) Raul Castro have repeatedly said that they’d like to see an improvement in relations,” said William LeoGrande, an American University professor and co-author of a new book, “Back Channel to Cuba,” which chronicles decades of negotiations between the two countries.

In April 2015, at the Summit of the Americas in Panama, the two leaders may have an opportunity to meet face to face.

Before then, the White House can lay the groundwork for agreements aimed at “burying the historical hatchet between the U.S. and Cuba,” said Peter Kornbluh, co-author of “Back Channel to Cuba” and senior analyst at the National Security Archive.

“Richard Nixon went all the way to China, and Barack Obama only has to go to Panama,” he said.

In Washington, senior administration officials predict more cooperation, with an important caveat.

“There is stuff we can do, but it has to start with Gross,” one of the officials said.

Administration officials say talks about a possible swap have taken place, but they’re hesitant to speak about whether those discussions are progressing. The White House came under fire after the recent swap of five Taliban detainees for the release of U.S. Army Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl.

Bergdahl was freed last spring after nearly five years in captivity at the hands of militants in Afghanistan. His controversial release came in exchange for five mid- to high-level Taliban detainees from Guantanamo Bay Naval Base in Cuba.

“They’ve been in jail for 16 years,” LeoGrande said of the Cuban agents, “and on humanitarian grounds alone it’s reasonable to release them when we stand to gain the release of an American citizen.

“It’s a better deal than trading five Taliban commanders for one U.S. soldier.”

No one knows how the incoming Republican-controlled Senate will handle Cuba policy. Most Republicans don’t feel strongly about the Cuba issue, and some lawmakers in agricultural states have supported a lifting of the trade and financial embargo in force for more than 50 years.

With Sen. Robert Menendez, D-New Jersey, soon to be replaced as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, one of the most powerful opponents to greater engagement with Cuba will have a decreased platform from which to criticize the administration on Cuba issues. But Menendez will remain on the committee, as will Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Florida, another strong Cuba critic.


Why do others say the swap won’t happen?

A senior Senate aide familiar with the Cuba issue said the drumbeat for improved relations with the island always comes in the waning years of every Democratic administration. The aide said it was “politically hard to believe” that the Cuba issue will take precedence over critical foreign policy challenges Obama faces around the world.

On Tuesday, White House press secretary Josh Earnest told reporters that while the President has said Cuba policy is worth reconsidering, the administration has “significant concerns … about (the Cuban government’s) human rights record, their failure to observe basic human rights, as it relates to not just the illegitimate detention of Mr. Gross, but as it relates to the basic rights to free speech and political expression of the people of Cuba.”

Some longtime Cuba observers are skeptical of the prisoner-swap idea.

“It’s conceivable that it could happen now,” said Armstrong, the former senior adviser to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. “Who knows? (Attorney General) Eric Holder is leaving the and Obama is now pretty much a lame duck, and Bob Menendez will no longer be chairman of foreign relations, and Alan Gross should be home by Thanksgiving or Christmas or Hanukkah. Enough is enough. But we’ve been at this point before.”



In “Back Channel to Cuba,” LeoGrande and Kornbluh describe backdoor negotiations in 1963 that led to the release of more than two dozen Americans jailed in Cuba, including members of a CIA team caught planting listening devices in Havana.

The U.S. gave up four Cuban prisoners, including an attaché at the U.N. mission and two indicted for planning acts of sabotage. The fourth was a Cuban convicted of murder for killing a 9-year-old girl who was struck by a stray bullet during a fight with anti-Castro Cubans when Fidel Castro visited New York in 1960.

Castro granted clemency to the American prisoners. And the United States released the Cubans in what the Justice Department described as an act of clemency “in the national interest.”

In 1979, President Jimmy Carter granted clemency and released three Puerto Rican nationalists, including Lolita Lebron, who had been convicted for opening fire in the U.S. House of Representatives and wounding five congressmen. The deal was part of a backdoor “humanitarian exchange” in which Fidel Castro released four CIA agents 11 days later.

Said Kornbluh, “It is time to bring U.S.-Cuba relations into the 21st century.”

CNN’s Ray Sanchez reported and wrote in New York, Elise Labott reported from Washington and Patrick Oppmann reported from Havan

NYT letters to the editor on the Cuban 5 prisoner swap
| November 7, 2014 | 9:18 pm | Cuban Five, International | Comments closed
NY Times: Letters to the Editor
Published on November 7, in the web and in the printing version
To the Editor:
Your Nov. 3 editorial “A Prisoner Swap With Cuba” presented a reasonable resolution to a major obstacle in normalizing United States relations with Cuba, but did not mention some key facts.
Despite references to the “convicted Cuban spies” Cuba wants returned after already serving over 16 years in American prisons, the seven-month trial of these admitted Cuban agents did not include evidence that they had obtained any classified information.
Rather, the Cuban version, that their primary mission was to monitor and prevent terrorism planned by exiles in Miami against Cuba, is supported by the evidence, including the book-length study by a Canadian journalist, Stephen Kimber, “What Lies Across the Water.” None of the five men were charged with actual espionage (as they had no classified information), although the Miami jury convicted them of a “conspiracy,” or a plan to commit espionage.
They monitored figures such as Orlando Bosch, who was given safe harbor in the United States for more than 20 years until his death in 2011, despite being “resolute and unwavering in his advocacy of terrorist violence,” according to Joe Whitley, an acting associate attorney general who argued against granting asylum and later became general counsel to the Department of Homeland Security. And today, a career terrorist, Luis Posada Carriles, is still being harbored by the United States in Miami.
ART HEITZER Milwaukee, Nov. 3, 2014
The writer is chairman of the Cuba subcommittee of the National Lawyers Guild.
To the Editor:
Your persuasive argument for exchanging a U.S.A.I.D. subcontractor, Alan Gross, for three Cuban spies who have served over 16 years in United States prisons is missing one crucial component: the historical precedence for such a swap.
Two examples of prisoner exchanges between the United States and Cuba are particularly relevant. In 1963, President John F. Kennedy freed a Cuban convicted of accidentally shooting and killing a 9-year-old girl and released three other Cubans who had been arrested on charges of conspiracy to commit acts of sabotage in New York.
In return, Cuba immediately freed more than two dozen American citizens imprisoned in Cuban jails on charges of counterrevolutionary activities, among them a three-member C.I.A. team caught as they were planting listening devices in a building in Havana.
In September 1979, President Jimmy Carter accepted a Justice Department recommendation for clemency and released three Puerto Rican nationalists, including Lolita Lebron, who had been convicted of opening fire from the gallery of Congress, wounding five lawmakers. As part of an undeclared “humanitarian exchange” negotiated behind the scenes, 11 days later Fidel Castro released four C.I.A. agents.
At the time, both of these swaps were politically controversial, requiring presidential grit and determination. But, as President Obama should note, they advanced United States national interests and returned imprisoned Americans to their families.
WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE PETER KORNBLUH Washington, Nov. 4, 2014
The writers are co-authors of “Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations Between Washington and Havana.”

 

CNN on Alan gross and prisoner swap
| November 7, 2014 | 9:10 pm | Cuban Five, International | Comments closed

http://edition.cnn.com/video/data/2.0/video/world/2014/11/07/pkg-oppmann-cuba-gross-last-days.cnn.html

Where the money leads
| November 7, 2014 | 9:07 pm | Analysis, National | Comments closed
By Zoltan Zigedy
Traditionally in American history, politics is like a seesaw: When one side is up the other side is down,” said Peter Wehner, a former aide to President George W. Bush. “Now it’s as if the seesaw is broken; the public is distrustful of both parties.” Wall Street Journal (11-04-14)
“Follow the money” is a seemingly simple, but telling popular prescription for discerning people’s motives, a slogan made popular by literature and movies.
But it is more than that. It is also a useful key to unlocking the mysteries of social processes and institutions. In a society that affixes a monetary worth on everything, including opinions, ideas, and personal values, tracking dollars and cents becomes one of the best guides to our understanding of events unfolding around us.
Take elections, for example.
Every high school Civics class teaches that elections are the highest expression of democratic practices. Apart from the direct democracy of legend– the New England town meeting or the Swiss canton assemblies– organized secret-ballot-style elections count as the democratic ideal deeply embedded in every US school-age child’s mind.
Let’s put aside the arrogant high hypocrisy of US and European politicians and pundits who deride secret ballots when they result in the election of a Chavez, Morales, Maduro, or Correa. That will make for a juicy topic on another occasion.
Instead, let’s examine what the flow of money tells us about the gold standard of democracy as celebrated in Europe and the US.
Surely, no one would deny that money has a profound effect upon election outcomes. That comes as old news. Even before the dominance of party politics, even before the evolution of party politics into two-party politics, money played a critical factor in advantaging issues, campaigns, and candidates.
To the extent that mass engagement– rallies, outreach, canvassing, etc.– could match or even trump both the corrupting and opinion-changing power of money, electoral democracy maintained an aura of legitimacy. To be sure, buying elections seems a nasty business, but as long as elections remained highly contested extravaganzas drawing interest and engagement, credibility remains intact.
New and changing technologies cast a lengthening shadow over the electoral process. News and entertainment media, like radio, were only too happy to take advertising dollars to promote electoral campaigns. At the same time, these technologies eroded the efficacy of traditional campaigns reliant upon campaign workers’ sweat and shoe leather.
With television and now the internet, the power of media and media dollars has grown exponentially. It has hardly gone unnoticed that these shifts have amplified the power of money and diminished the traditional get-out-the-vote efforts of unions, civil rights, and other people’s organizations.
Most recently, the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision has opened the spigot of unregulated cash into elections, further overwhelming any counter forces to the outright purchase of candidates and election results.
Readers may find nothing new here. The sordid story of money’s corrupting and deflecting influence has certainly been told before, as has the pat remedy offered by reformers. To return to the halcyon days of US electoral democracy is simply a matter of establishing financial limits on campaigns and campaign contributions. By leveling and limiting the electoral playing field, we can restore the legitimacy tainted by money.
Unfortunately, this idealistic solution will itself be overpowered by the power of money. The traditional forces in US politics are not unhappy with buying and selling political power, except insofar as their own money is not put at a disadvantage.
But the reformist panacea would not work even if it were implemented. Advocates of campaign financial reform fail to see that capitalism and informed, independent, and authentically democratic electoral processes are incompatible. Capitalism, unerringly and universally, erodes and smothers democracy. Eliminating, even significantly, reducing the power of money in politics under a capitalist system is an impossibility. The historical trajectory goes the other way.
A Broken System
Since the New Deal era, political partisanship and the accompanying flow of money was linked to Party politics. Corporations and the wealthy gave generously to opponents of the New Deal, the Republican Party. To a great extent, the people power (and significant independent money) of unions and other progressive organizations served as an adequate counterweight to the resources of the rich and powerful. The Democratic Party enjoyed the benefits of this practice.
The television and money-driven election of JF Kennedy in 1960 marked a watershed in both the diminution of issue relevancy and the maturation of political marketing. Money and the advertising and marketing attention that money bought moved to center stage. Key chains, buttons and inscribed pens were replaced by multimillion dollar television advertisements in the buying of election outcomes.
In 1964, the organic link between the money of wealth and power and the Republican Party began to stretch with the campaign of Barry Goldwater. So called “liberal Republicans” of the East Coast establishment recoiled from what they perceived as extremism, leaving Goldwater’s campaign treasuries to be filled by the extreme right’s wealthy godfathers in the Southwestern and Western US (The looney right rebounded to Goldwater’s loss by investing heavily in rallying and expanding the 26 million Goldwater voter base and by buying a broader, louder, but less shrill voice in the media; that project paid off handsomely by 1980).
While it is understandable that donors would spend to their interests– support candidates of shared ideology– things began to change with the Democratic Party’s retreat from New Deal economic thinking, the general decline of traditional Party politics, and the rise of the politics of celebrity and personality. With advertising and marketing domination of electoral campaigns, constructing an attractive personal narrative replaced issues and accomplishments– contrived image replaced content.
Today, the two-party system holds electoral politics in its tight grip. And issue-driven politics has been replaced by the politics of flag pins, winning smiles and a “wholesome” family.
Undoubtedly, the decline of substance in politics further encouraged the activity of sleazy lobbyists and influence peddling. Politicians are not faced with the conflict of principles against powerful interests because electoral politics have turned away from principles.
We see the cynicism of principle in the Republican Party’s rejection of its ideological zealots. So called “Tea Party” radicals sat well with the Republican corporate leaders when they were energizing electoral campaigns, but the zealots were challenged after setbacks in 2012. Today, the Republican corporate god fathers are making every effort to temper party radicalism in order to insure the only important principle: electability.
The Democratic Party, on the other hand, simply ignores its left wing, treating it alternately as an embarrassment or a stepchild. It is this trivialization of principle and ideology that channels the flow of money today.
Barren Politics
This election cycle has revealed something new: Democrats are raising more money from corporate interests for their campaigns than the traditionally dominant Republicans. This process began before the 2006 elections, accelerated sharply in the Presidential elections, strengthened in the early primaries and continued into 2008. In March, 2008, McCain gained somewhat on his Democratic rivals, but still fell well below the total raised by the two Democrats. Within the Democratic camp, Clinton dominated most corporate contributions until 2008, when Obama enjoyed big gains, pushing ahead through March especially in the key industries of finance, lawyers/lobbyists, communications and health. Wall Street has strongly supported the Democratic candidates over the Republicans. Through the end of 2007, seven of the big 8 financial firms (Goldman Sachs, Citigroup, Morgan Stanley, Lehman Brothers, JP Morgan Chase, UBS, and Credit Suisse) showed a decided preference towards the Democrats. Only Merrill Lynch gave more to Republicans, though they gave the single most to Clinton. The Wall Street Journal (2-3/4-08), while noting that Obama receives a notable number of contributions from small donors, pointed out that “…even for Sen. Obama, the finance industry was still the richest source of cash overall…” Through February, Obama led the other candidates in contributions from the pharmaceutical industry and was in a virtual dead heat with Clinton with respect to the energy sector. These numbers strongly suggest that candidates, especially Democratic Party candidates, are unlikely to challenge their corporate sponsors in any meaningful way.
Clearly, Corporate America was not afraid that Obama or Clinton would step on their toes or even stand in their way. While the Republican message and program were more overtly and adamantly pro-business, big business was not trying to swing the election their way. While they may have differed on social and even foreign policy questions, wealth and power understood that the Democrats would not challenge them on any matters relevant to their business agenda. Six years after, they appear to have been right.
Another way to illustrate the uncoupling of corporate money from party ideology is through the trend in corporate PACs to shovel money to incumbents of either party: In 1978 corporate PACs gave 40% of their contributions to House incumbents; in 2014, that number had leaped to 74%.
Corporations are not trying to deliver a message; they are outright buying all of the candidates.
With respect to this year’s November 4 interim election, corporate PACs have shifted their support– sometimes dramatically– from Democrats in key races to Republicans over the last 18 months (WSJ, 10-29-14). Obviously, neither the corporations nor the candidates have changed their agendas greatly. So it’s not about issues, but electability.
It should be transparent that two-party politics in the age of extreme concentrations of wealth and media influence is far from a rousing example of democratic process. Consequently, we should surely not expect the results of the tainted process to be democratic. Like the commercialization of commodities, the commercialization of politics results eventually in the domination of the market by a few products (parties, candidates) and the minimizing of their differences. We no more pick our leaders than we pick the products offered in the showroom. Corporate America picks them both.
Zoltan Zigedy
zoltanzigedy@gmail.com
Ricardo Alarcon on NYT & the Cuban 5
| November 6, 2014 | 8:43 pm | Analysis, Cuban Five, International, Latin America | Comments closed

Ricardo Alarcón on NYT & the Cuban 5.
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(ESPAÑOL SIGUE ABAJO)
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ENGLISH

The New York Times Breaks the Media Blockade

Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada

November 6, 2014

In my article currently circulating in Nueva Réplica I regretted that the New York Times had not raised the case of Gerardo, Ramón and Antonio in its editorial last October in which the paper called for ending the US blockade against Cuba.

When I wrote it, I did not imagine that with that document, the New York paper would start an important debate, which has lasted a month and includes several editorials advocating a substantial change in the relations between the two countries. The latest one, published Sunday, November 2, proposed that the three be released and that in exchange, Cuba for humanitarian reasons would free Alan Gross who was sentenced here for participating in illegal activities to overthrow the revolutionary government.

This is a fair and reasonable position. The paper is right when it defines the release of three Cuban heroes as a vital step towards civilized coexistence between two countries that are and will always be neighbors.

It should be added to the arguments of the Times that none of the Five were accused of espionage and therefore were not “spies”. As was demonstrated at the trial in Miami, none of them had access to secret information related to the national security of the United States. Neither had been given directions to look for that kind of information. This was acknowledged under oath by Gen. James R. Clapper who was a government witness whose testimony appears on pages 13089-13235 of the trial transcript. It’s the same Clapper who today is the Director of National Intelligence in the Obama Administration.

It is also necessary to remember that the mission of the Five was to try to thwart terrorist plans against Cuba which more than once have caused death and damage also to people living in United States.

But, in any case, this editorial from the New York Times should be hailed as an event of transcendental importance. The wall of silence surrounding the case of the Five has received a devastating blow which hopefully is final.

A CubaNews translation by Walter Lippmann.

https://groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups/CubaNews/info

ESPAÑOL

The New York Times rompe el bloqueo mediático

Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada

6 noviembre 2014

En mí artículo que aparece en la Nueva Réplica actualmente circulando reproché al New York Times que no hubiese planteado el caso de Gerardo, Ramón y Antonio en su Editorial del pasado octubre en el que se pronunció por la eliminación del bloqueo norteamericano contra Cuba.

Cuando lo escribí no imaginaba que con ese documento el diario neoyorquino iniciaba un importante debate, que dura ya un mes, e incluye varios editoriales abogando por un cambio sustancial en las relaciones entre ambos países. El más reciente del domingo 2 de noviembre, propone que los tres sean liberados a cambio de que Cuba por razones humanitarias ponga en libertad a Allan Gross sancionado aquí por participar en actividades ilegales destinadas a derrocar al Gobierno revolucionario.

Se trata de una posición justa y razonable. Tiene razón el periódico cuando define la liberación de los tres Héroes cubanos como un paso indispensable para avanzar hacia la convivencia civilizada entre dos países que son y serán siempre vecinos.

Debería agregarse a los argumentos del Times que ninguno de los Cinco fue acusado de realizar espionaje y por tanto no eran “espías”. Como se demostró en el juicio de Miami ninguno de ellos accedió o buscó informaciones secretas relacionadas con la seguridad nacional de Estados Unidos. Tampoco recibieron orientaciones para buscar ese tipo de informaciones. Así lo reconoció, bajo juramento, el General James R. Clapper quien fue testigo del Gobierno y cuyo testimonio aparece entre las páginas 13089 a 13235 de las Actas Oficiales del Tribunal. Es el mismo Clapper que hoy es el Director Nacional de Inteligencia de la Administración Obama.

También es necesario recordar que la misión de los Cinco era tratar de frustrar los planes terroristas contra Cuba que más de una vez han causado muerte y daños también a personas residentes en Estados Unidos.

Pero, en todo caso, este Editorial del New York Times debe ser saludado como un hecho de importancia trascendental. El muro de silencio que rodeaba el caso de los Cinco ha recibido un golpe demoledor que ojalá sea definitivo.

http://www.cubadebate.cu/

FRANÇAIS

Le New York Times brise le blocus médiatique

Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada

Dans mon article qui paraît actuellement dans la Nueva Réplica, je déplorais que le New York Times n’ait pas évoqué le cas de Gerardo, Ramón et Antonio dans son éditorial d’octobre dernier dans lequel le journal appelait à rompre le blocus des États-Unis contre Cuba.

Quand je l’ai rédigé, je ne soupçonnais pas qu’à partir de cet article, le journal new-yorkais lancerait un important débat, lequel a duré un mois et inclus plusieurs éditoriaux préconisant un changement majeur dans les relations entre les deux pays. Le dernier, publié le dimanche 2 novembre, suggérait que les trois hommes soient libérés et qu’en échange, Cuba, pour des raisons humanitaires, libère Alan Gross condamné ici pour avoir participé à des activités illégales visant à renverser le gouvernement révolutionnaire.

C’est un point de vue honnête et équitable. Le journal a raison de considérer la libération des trois héros cubains comme une étape essentielle vers une coexistence harmonieuse entre les deux pays qui sont et seront toujours voisins.

Il faut ajouter aux arguments du NYT qu’aucun des Cinq n’a été accusé d’espionnage et qu’ils ne sont pas, de ce fait, des « espions ». Comme il l’a été prouvé au procès à Miami, aucun d’entre eux n’a eu accès à des informations secrètes liées à la sécurité nationale des États-Unis ni non plus reçu de mandat pour chercher ce type d’information. Ceci a été reconnu sous serment par le général James R. Clapper, témoin officiel du gouvernement étasunien, dont le témoignage apparaît aux pages 13089-13235 du compte rendu du procès. Clapper est aujourd’hui directeur des Services de renseignements nationaux (National Intelligence) de l’administration Obama.

Il convient également de rappeler que la mission des Cinq était de déjouer des plans terroristes contre Cuba, lesquels ont plus d’une fois entraîné des décès et des destructions, y compris aux États-Unis.

En tout état de cause, cet éditorial du New York Times devrait être salué comme un évènement d’importance capitale. Le mur de silence qui a entouré le cas des Cinq a reçu une onde de choc dévastatrice qui, espérons-le, aura été décisive.

Traduit par Anne-Marie Deraspe, assisté par Arnold August, Montréal

www.democracycuba.com

Sen. Bernie Sanders On The Midterm Results
| November 5, 2014 | 8:16 pm | Analysis, National | Comments closed

http://www.northcountrypublicradio.org/news/npr/361804751/sen-bernie-sanders-on-the-midterm-results

As Republicans take the Senate by storm, the Vermont Independent – one of the most progressive…
Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) awaits the start of a hearing by the Senate Veterans Affairs Committee on September 9, 2014 in Washington, D.C. (Win McNamee/AFP/Getty Images)
Listen to this story

It’s bad news for the Democrats. But, after the Republicans have taken the Senate by storm, Independent Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders is also taking note. One of the most progressive voices in the Senate, he’s made huge calls for climate change legislation, universal healthcare, same-sex marriage and minimum wage. He joins Here & Now’s Jeremy Hobson for a look at what this new Senate means for him.

Interview Highlights: Sen. Bernie Sanders

On the low voter turnout “I was disturbed by the very low voter turnout and the fact that especially something like 85 percent of the young people didn’t bother to show up to vote and the vast majority of low-income working people didn’t vote as well… I think there is a profound anger and disgust, if I could use that word, at the political establishment; there is anger at the corporate establishment; there is anger at the media establishment. People are hurting and they don’t see folks in power standing up and fighting for them. They’re seeing that their kids can’t afford to go to college and they’re seeing 95 percent of all new income going to the top one percent and then there seeing this top one percent spending hundreds and hundreds of millions dollars on elections in order to elect the candidates who will protect them. So I think people are angry and they’re frustrated and they’re kind of giving up on a lot of American institutions.” On the Republican agenda “If you drill down a little bit deeper and you look at the Republican agenda – man, people don’t want that agenda. Yesterday we saw in some conservative states for example, people voted to raise the minimum wage pretty significantly. In Washington, Republicans very much are opposed to that. If you look at the polling out there, people want a massive federal jobs program to rebuild our infrastructure and create millions of jobs—Republicans oppose that. Republicans are opposed to pay equity for women workers, which is what the American people want. And what we’re going to see in a couple of months, I suspect this will surprise some of the folks who voted Republican yesterday, is that Republicans are going to move aggressively to cut Social Security and Medicare and Medicaid. They’re going to give huge tax breaks to the rich and large corporations. Is that what the American people want? Poll after poll tells me no.” On Republicans’ ‘clever’ campaigning “What did the Republicans campaign on? What did they say to the American people that they would do—other than the fact that they would try to defeat candidates who voted with Barack Obama—what was their agenda, did they talk about it?…I think they ran a very clever campaign and the campaign was ‘Are you hurting today?’ And the American people say yes. ‘The fault is Barack Obama, vote these guys out.’ That was their campaign and it worked. But I don’t recall the Republicans telling us what they intend to do.”

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Warren/Sanders: A populist dream team ticket for 2016
| November 5, 2014 | 8:05 pm | Action, Analysis, National | Comments closed

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Independent Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders’ recent trips to Iowa, New Hampshire, and South Carolina have ramped up speculation that the self-described democratic socialist is seriously considering a 2016 run at the presidency.  His national tour appears designed to engage a grassroots constituency base and line up the support necessary to give centrist political juggernaut Hillary Clinton a run for her money.
But the far more charismatic and popular Democratic populist, Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren, has dominated recent speculation about her own presidential ambitions after trips this Fall to stump for Democratic senate and gubernatorial candidates in Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin.
These visits, perhaps not so coincidentally, come hot on the heels of a national book tour this summer promoting a new memoir that situates her aggressive economic justice agenda in the context of her lived experiences as a woman, mother, and grandmother.
Either Sanders or Warren would be welcome challengers to the Democratic establishment pick, and a fresh, dynamic, outsider campaign by either one could do more to force Hillary to watch her back than many pundits are willing to admit.
But there is a real risk of dividing an already weak and fractious electoral Left if both potential candidates were to run campaigns independent of one another.
To avoid that problem, social movement actors serious about using the presidential race as a tool to advance a democratic justice agenda against surging economic inequality should actively promote a joint Warren/Sanders ticket.  This is the Left’s best opportunity to engage in the 2016 presidential elections in a way that both shifts the political narrative and moves the public debate to terrain more favorable to our demands.
Sanders and Warren are each heavy-hitters in their own right, but the combined star power of both leaders standing together, crisscrossing the country in a united electoral front, could galvanize a powerful coalition of grassroots constituencies under one banner, minimize the risks of an unnecessary and costly competition between the two, and pull in new layers of everyday people into the movement orbit.
The obvious bread-and-butter platform is both simple and popular:
  • Create millions of livable wage jobs.
  • Forgive student debt and reduce rising tuition costs.
  • Win single-payer health-care.
  • Curtail the corrosive influence of big money in politics.
  • Expand and strengthen Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.
  • Bust up big banks and big agribusiness.
  • Tax carbon emissions and other sources of corporate pollution.
  • Make sure big corporations and the 1% pay their fair share of taxes.
A joint ticket approach would also make it more likely that the money, organization, and national network were all in place early on to mount a full-fledged ground game assault in early caucus and primary states like Iowa, New Hampshire, and South Carolina.
Although either Sanders or Warren could probably, on their own, raise enough money to build the necessary organization to run a national campaign, a unified ticket approach would make the task much easier and could return far bigger dividends. The double team offense could electrify a grassroots base of activists inside already existing movement infrastructure, not just to canvass and work the phones, but also to organize town hall meetings, presidential forums, and direct actions.
If done correctly, this could also serve another benefit by plugging new layers of supporters into long standing community organizations, worker centers, peace groups, and labor unions; rather than solely being sucked into the traditional Democratic party apparatus, as is the case in most elections.
Lastly, if the Sanders and Warren camps join forces it would prevent a worst-case scenario where both were to run independently of one another, dividing the electoral Left, splitting scarce financial and movement resources, and all but guaranteeing a primary win for Clinton.
But although the potential rewards are high, a joint ticket approach is also not without its own risks, and raises a series of significant questions that must be ironed out. These include: why should Warren headline the ticket ahead of Sanders?  Under what party banner will the campaign run?  And how exactly will it be used as a platform to build a stronger social movement independent of Democratic Party?
Why should Elizabeth Warren headline a joint ticket over Bernie Sanders? 
As an outspoken, self-styled democratic socialist and career third-party and/or no-party independent, Sanders has nearly impeccable credentials for a politician. He is also eager to work with independent grassroots actors, as can be seen by his embrace in Iowa of the tough and tenacious, anti-establishment, people’s action group, Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement.
But Bernie’s age and gender could both be used by Hillary supporters to drive a wedge in the electoral Left, while his expressed political beliefs as a small “s” socialist could be easy fodder for attack ads. It is also unclear just how far his appeal truly extends and whether or not his message can be picked up outside of a narrow echo chamber.
Warren, on the other hand, has a much more formidable and broad base of support than Sanders, and her demonstrable impact on national policy debates has already forced Hillary into attempting to co-opt her message.
Indeed, after Warren recently came out swinging against the Obama Administration’s coddling of Wall Street big banks in an October 12 interview with Salon magazine, visited two Iowa cities on October 19, and changed her tune on a possible presidential run to People Magazine the week of October 20, Clinton was forced to veer populist during an October 23 stump speech in Minnesota and pay lip-service to reining in the big banks and protecting everyday people from predatory lending. This in turn set off a frenzy of renewed media attention and speculation about both women.
On the downside, Warren appears to be fiercely loyal to the Democratic Party, the “graveyard of social movements”, according to some on the far left, and her perceived lack of experience in national politics could be used as a weapon against her in any attempted hatchet jobs by a Hillary-aligned Super PAC.
Like Sanders, Warren’s generally hawkish stance on the Israeli occupation of Palestine and US wars in the Middle East is also highly problematic, and without a dramatic change in tune could prevent antiwar factions from giving their critical endorsement to the hypothetical joint ticket campaign.  Closing corporate tax loopholes and making the 1 percent pay their fair share doesn’t mean much if more than half of every tax dollar still goes to the Pentagon.
But given all these considerations, a Warren/Sanders ticket, with the Democratic populist receiving top billing ahead of the democratic socialist, would be by far the strongest formation, with Sanders’ supporting role as an experienced independent and elder statesmen giving Warren key credibility among some movement actors skeptical of party Democrats.
What party banner should the joint ticket run under?
Whether to run a joint campaign as a third party, no-party, or as Democrats is a somewhat muddier river to wade, but at the end of the day the answer is largely obvious, if admittedly concessionary.
Even if Sanders were to run alone, the chance of him running as an independent or on a third party ticket appears slim, despite his career legacy as a political party outsider, because potential donors and supporters are both wary of playing a “spoiler role” similar to what Ralph Nader and the Green Party were accused of doing in 2000 (for the record, the Supreme Court stole that election and should bear sole blame for the outcome).
Running outside the political party structure could also waste scarce movement resources on ballot access fights, money better spent reaching out to voters, and could exclude both Warren and Sanders from primary debates where they can go head-to-head with Hillary in front of millions of everyday Americans.
On the flip side, running the joint ticket in the Democratic primary could isolate some idealistic leftists who are unafraid of playing a spoiler role but who may assume Hillary will win regardless and are worried about legitimizing a party that is nearly as corporate as the GOP.
Lastly if the sole outcome of a Warren/Sanders primary run were only to bring more disaffected people back into the folds of a centrist Democratic Party tent, then the whole exercise would be for naught.  However, it would be an entirely different question if they were to lose but still move the goalposts and put points on the board for a populist agenda.
How will this campaign prioritize principles and people over parties and politicians?  
Perhaps the most important question to consider is how a united front ticket could be used not just to move Hillary to the left before the general election, but how it could be used to upend the whole political calculus by actually beating Clinton outright, while at the same time strengthening and building a real mass movement from below.
The key here is to never underestimate the populist sentiment of the American electorate, however unorganized, regardless of their party affiliations, or the power of face-to-face retail politics. A strongly populist, anti-corporate message resonates with broad sections of the general public, including young people, women, immigrants, African-Americans, and rank-and-file Tea Party Republicans alike. Although both Hillary and any number of GOP candidates, from Scott Walker to Jeb Bush to Mitt Romney, would all outflank an insurgent Warren/Sanders campaign with big money television ads, it is possible for organized people to take on organized money and win.
Nowhere is this more true than in early voting states like Iowa and New Hampshire. Iowa is a Middle America state where Hillary failed to perform (she placed third in 2008 behind Obama and John Edwards, while Bill never bothered to contest Iowa in 1992). New Hampshire is an East Coast state where both Warren and Sanders hold as much of a home-court advantage as Clinton does.
The rest of the primary election map rests on the Warren/Sanders ticket upsetting Hillary early on and gaining enough momentum to carry the rest of the country through to victory, much like Obama did in 2008.
How does all this help build a stronger, fighting movement?
Sanders in particular, with both his words and his actions, has stressed during recent stops across the country that a president cannot govern without a mobilized population asserting our own demands and agitating for systemic change to big business as usual.
Although it is less clear whether Warren shares this same movement analysis, it is critical that the success of either a joint ticket or an individual run by either senator is ultimately measured by how well it builds independent and organizational political power outside of the traditional party structure, by bringing new layers of everyday people into a progressive-populist fold not already controlled by Democrats.
Such a lofty goal will require the joint campaign to collaborate with movement actors with a more transformational type of relationship than typical transaction politics.  But an early model to build on for what this could look like in practice already exists in the successful relationship Sanders has built with Iowa CCI members in the first-in-the-nation caucus state.
At the end of the day, an individual run by either Elizabeth Warren or Bernie Sanders could pose a powerful challenge to Hillary Clinton and corporate Democrats. And if either were to pull off an upset they would stand as strong of a chance, if not stronger, of bringing independents on board and beating any GOP candidate in the general election.
But a joint ticket that harnesses and combines the Warren and Sanders forces together could be even more powerful still. Hillary will be forced to watch the throne either way, but a real coup is more attainable with a tag-team approach that integrates the best that both Warren and Sanders have to offer.