2. Peace, War and Internationalism

Given the nature of weaponry today, the struggle for peace is one of the most important, one of the struggles through which tactics brings to life a strategic policy. In fact, given the nuclear war threat it even becomes an objective condition for there to be people to pursue strategy and tactics. This section begins with the attitude of Marx, Engels and Lenin toward peace and the requirements to put an end to war forever. They then define the nature and sources of war. Lenin discusses the inevitability of war among imperialist powers to redivide the world. Quotations are then presented defining different types of just and unjust wars, including the attitude toward World War I, peace and peaceful coexistence of socialist Russia with the capitalist powers. This is followed by a discussion of the impermissability of the export of revolution. Then there are quotations about the importance and forms of internationalism, international solidarity. The concluding quotes are from Engels discussing the significance of new weaponry. “Socialism is the embodiment of a society whose international role will be peace, because its national ruler will be everywhere the same – labor!”

Marx, Civil War in France, 1870-71, MESW, p.266; MECW, Vol.22, p.7

“…our aim is to achieve a socialist system of society, which by eliminating the divisions of mankind into classes, by eliminating all exploitation of man by man and nation by nation will inevitably eliminate the very possibility of war.”

Lenin, War & Revolution, lecture, May 14, 1917, CW, Vol.24, pp.398- 99

“…A war would above all retard our movement all over Europe, completely disrupt it in many countries, stir up chauvinism and xenophobia and leave us with the certain prospect, amongst many other uncertain ones, of having to begin all over again after the war, albeit on a basis far more favorable even than today.”

Engels, Letter to August Bebel, London, Sept. 13, 1886, MECW, Vol..47, p.487

“An end to wars, peace among the nations, the cessation of pillaging and violence – such is our ideal…”

Lenin, The Question of Peace, July-Aug. 1915, CW, Vol.21, p.293

“In general, war ran counter to the aims of the Communist Party. But war that was preached today was a sacred war; it was a civil war, a war of the working class against its exploiters.”

Lenin, Speech at Public Meeting in Simonovsky Sub-District, June 28, 1918, CW, Vol.27, p.492

“Disarmament is the ideal of socialism.”

Lenin, The”Disarmament” Slogan, Oct. 1916, CW, Vol.23, p.95

“…the union of the working classes of the different countries must ultimately make international wars impossible.”

Marx, Speech on the Attitude of the IWA to the Congress of the League of Peace & Freedom, at the General Council of the International Workingmen’ Association (IWA), Aug. 17, 1867, MECW, Vol.20, p.426

“…the alliance of the working classes of all countries will ultimately kill war.”

Marx, The Civil War in France, July 1870, MESW IP 1977, p.266; MECW, Vol.22, p.7

“I maintain disarmament and with it the guarantee of peace, is feasible…”

Engels, Can Europe Disarm?, March 1893, MECW, Vol.27, p.372

“[Speaking of the working people] Their whole disposition and movement is essentially humanitarian.”

Engels, The Festival of Nations in London, end of 1845, MECW, Vol.6, p.6

“The government considers it the greatest crime against humanity to continue this war over how to divide among the strong and rich nations the weak nationalities they have conquered… “By a just or democratic peace, for which the overwhelming majority of the workingclass and other working people of all the belligerent countries, exhausted, tormented and racked by the war, are craving…the government means an immediate peace without annexations (i.e., without the seizure of foreign lands, without the forcible incorporation of foreign nations) and without indemnities.”(p.249)

Lenin, Report on Peace: Decree on Peace, Nov.8, 1917, CW, Vol.26, p.250

“Our experience has left us with the firm conviction that only exceptional attention to the interests of various nations can remove grounds for conflicts, can remove mutual distrust, can remove the fear of any intrigues and create that confidence, especially on the part of workers and peasants speaking different languages, without which there absolutely cannot be peaceful relations between people or anything like a successful development of everything that is of value in present-day civilization.”

Lenin, Interview Given Michael Farbman, “Observer & Manchester Guardian” Correspondent, Oct.27, 1922, CW, Vol.33, p.386

“War is a continuation of policy by other means. All wars are inseparable from the political system that engenders them. The policy which a given state, a given class within that state, pursued for a long time before the war is inevitably continued by that same class during the war, the form of action alone being changed.”

Lenin, War & Revolution, lecture, May 14, 1917, CW, Vol.24, p.400

“With reference to wars, the main thesis of dialectics…is that ‘war is simply the continuation of politics by other…means.’ Such is the formula of Clausewitz…and it was always the standpoint of Marx and Engels, who regarded any war as the continuation of the politics of the powers concerned…and the various classes within these countries – in a defined period.”

Lenin, The Collapse of the Second International, May-june 1915, CW, Vol.21, pp.219-20

“‘World domination’ is, to put it briefly, the substance of imperialist policy, of which imperialist war is the continuation.”

Lenin, A Caricature of Marxism & Imperialist Economism, Aug.-Oct. 1916, CW, Vol.23, p.35

“…the class contradictions dividing the nations continue to exist in wartime and manifest themselves in conditions of war.

Lenin, The Position & Tasks of the Socialist International, Nov.1, 1914, CW, Vol.21, p.40

“It is proven in the pamphlet that the war of 1914-18 was imperialist (that is, an annexationist, predatory, war of plunder) on the part of both sides; it was a war for the division of the world, for the partition and repartition of colonies and spheres of influence of finance capital, etc….

“And this summing up proves that imperialist wars are absolutely inevitable under such an economic system, as long as private property in the means of production exists.”

Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, 1916, Preface to French and German editions, July 6, 1920, LLL Ed, p.10, CW, Vol.22, p.190

“Capitalism has concentrated the earth’s wealth in the hands of a few states and divided the world up to the last bit…Any further enrichment could take place only at the expense of others as the enrichment of one state at the expense of another. The issue could only be settled by force – and accordingly war between the world marauders became inevitable.”

Lenin, Speech at Polytechnical Museum, Aug.23, 1918, CW, Vol.28, p.80

“…two trends exist; one, which makes the alliance of all the imperialists inevitable; the other, which places the imperialists in opposition to each other – two trends, neither of which has any firm foundations.”

Lenin, Report on Foreign Policy to All-Russian Central Executive Committee & Moscow Soviet, May 14, 1918, CW, Vol.27, p.369

“There are just and unjust wars, progressive and reactionary wars, wars waged by advanced classes and wars waged by backward classes, wars waged for the purpose of perpetuating class oppression and wars waged for the purpose of eliminating oppression…”

Lenin, First All-Russia Congress on Adult Education, May 1919, CW, Vol.29, p..343

“Socialists always side with the oppressed and, consequently, cannot be opposed to wars whose purpose is democratic or socialist struggle against oppression.”

Lenin, Open Letter to Boris Souvarine, Dec. 1916, CW, Vol.23, p.196

[To assess a given war it is necessary to determine] “the class character of the war: what caused that war, what classes are waging it, and what historical and historico-economic conditions gave rise to it.”

Lenin,, War & Revolution, lecture, May 14, 1917, CW, Vol.24, p.398

“…take the question of the little wars they waged before the big war – ‘little’ because few Europeans died in those wars, whereas hundreds of thousands of people belonging to the nations they were subjugating died in them, nations which from their point of view could not be regarded as nations at all (you couldn’t very well call those Asians and Africans nations!); the wars waged against these nations were wars against unarmed people who were simply shot down, machine-gunned…

“The present war is a continuation of the policy of conquest, of the shooting down of whole nationalities, of unbelievable atrocities…”

Lenin, War & Revolution, lecture, May 14, 1917, CW, Vol.24, p.406

“Civil war is the sharpest form of the class struggle, it is the point in the class struggle when clashes and battles, economic and political, repeating themselves, growing, broadening, becoming acute, turn into an armed struggle of one class against another.”

Lenin, The Russian Revolution & Civil War, Sept.29, 1917, CW, Vol.26, p.29

“The socialist revolution will not be solely or chiefly, a struggle of the revolutionary proletariat in each country against their bourgeoisie – no, it will be a struggle of all the imperialist- oppressed colonies and countries, of all dependent countries against international imperialism.”

Lenin, Address to the Second All-Russia Congress of Communist Organizations of the Peoples of the East, Nov.22, 1919, CW, Vol.30, p.159

“This ‘epoch’ by no means precludes national wars on the part of, say, small (annexed or nationally-oppressed) countries against the imperialist powers…”

Lenin, The Junius Pamphlet, July 1916,CW, Vol.22, p.311

[The victory of socialism in one or several countries] “is bound to create not only friction but a direct attempt on the part of the bourgeoisie of other countries to crush the socialist state’s victorious proletariat. In such cases a war on our part would be a legitimate and just war. It would be a war for socialism…”

Lenin, The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution, Sept. 1916, CW, Vol.23, p.79

“We are not at all against ‘defense of the fatherland’ in general, not against defensive wars in general…We are against defense of the fatherland and a defensive position in the imperialist war of 1914-16 and in other imperialist wars, typical of the imperialist epoch. But in the imperialist epoch there may be also ‘just’, ‘defensive’, revolutionary wars namely (1)national (2) civil (3) socialist and suchlike.”

Lenin, Letter to G.Y. Zinoviev, Aug. 1916, CW, Vol.35, p.229

“…so revolutionary wars are legitimate and just – i.e., wars waged against the capitalists in defense of the oppressed classes, wars against the oppressors in defense of the nations oppressed by the imperialists of a handful of countries, wars in defense of the socialist revolution against foreign invaders.”

Lenin, The Thesis on the Agrarian Question Advanced by the CP of France, Dec.11,1921, CW, Vol.33, p.132

“The existence of a Soviet Republic alongside of capitalist countries – is so intolerable to the capitalists that they will seize any opportunity to resume the war. The peoples are weary of the imperialist war and threaten to make their indignation felt if war continues, but the possibility of the capitalists being able to resume it in a few years is not precluded.”

Lenin, Report to Eighth All-Russia Conference of the RCP (B), Dec.5, 1919, CW, Vol.30, p.191

“We are in the position of having won conditions enabling us to exist side by side with capitalist powers, who are now compelled to enter into trade relations with us. In the course of this struggle we have won the right to an independent existence….Today, too, we do not underestimate the danger and do not deny the possibility of future military intervention by the capitalist countries.”

“Today we can speak not only of a breathing space, but of a real chance of a new and lengthy period of development.” (p.413)

Lenin, Our Foreign & Domestic Position & the Tasks of the Party, Speech to Moscow Gubernia Conference of RCP (B), Nov.21, 1920, CW,, Vol.31, p.412

“…the victorious proletariat can force no blessings of any kind upon any foreign nation without undermining its own victory by so doing. Which of course by no means excludes defensive wars of various kinds.

“Engels, Letter to Karl Kautsky, Sept.12, 1882, MECW, Vol.46, pp.322-23

“We opposed this playing at revolution most decisively. To have carried out an invasion of Germany at the height of the unrest that was taking place there and forcibly imposed on it a revolution imported from the outside would have amounted to tripping up the revolution in Germany.”

Engels, On the History of the Communist League, Oct.8, 1885, MESW, IP 1977, p.448; MECW, Vol.26, p.324

“It is clear that this opinion would lead to a denial of the expediency of the Brest negotiations and to a rejection of peace, ‘even’ if accompanied by the return of Poland, Latvia and Courland. The incorrectness of this view (which was rejected, for example, by a majority of the Petrograd opponents of peace) is as clear as day. A socialist republic surrounded by imperialist powers could not, from this point of view, conclude any economic treaties, and could not exist at all, without flying to the moon.

“Perhaps the authors believe that the interests of the world revolution require that it should be given a push, and that such a push can be given only by war, never by peace, which might give the people the impression that imperialism was being ‘legitimized’? Such a ‘theory’ would be completely at variance with Marxism, for Marxism has always been opposed to ‘pushing’ revolutions, which develop with the growing acuteness of the class antagonisms that engender revolutions. Such a theory would be tantamount to the view that armed uprising is a form of struggle which is obligatory always and under all conditions. Actually, however, the interests of the world revolution demand that Soviet power, having overthrown the bourgeoisie in our country, should help that revolution, but that it should choose a form of help which is commensurate with its own strength. To help the socialist revolution on an international scale by accepting the possibility of defeat of the revolution in one’s own country is a view that does not follow even from the ‘pushing’ theory.”

Lenin, Strange and Monstrous, March 1, 1918, CW, Vol.27, p.71-72

“It is not the Great Power status of Russia that we are defending – of that nothing is left but Russia proper – nor is it national interests, for we assert that the interests of socialism, of world socialism are higher than national interests, higher than the interests of the state.”

Lenin, Report on Foreign Policy to All-Russia Central Executive Committee & Moscow Soviet, May 14, 1918, CW, Vol.27, p.278

“This might have been advanced as proof of the collapse of communism only if we had promised, with the forces of Russia alone, to transform the whole world, or had dreamed of doing so. However, we have never harbored such crazy ideas and have always said that our revolution will be victorious when it is supported by the workers of all lands.”

Lenin, Our Foreign & Domestic Position & the Tasks of the Party, from speech, Nov.21, 1920, CW, Vol.31, p.412

“Of course, there are people who believe that revolution can break out in a foreign country to order, by agreement. These people are either mad or they are provocateurs.”

Lenin, Reply to Discussion of Report on Current Situation, Fourth Conference of Trade Unions & Factory Committees of Moscow, June 28, 1918, CW, Vol.27, p.380

“Past experience has shown how disregard of that bond of brotherhood which ought to exist between the workmen of different countries and incite them to stand firmly by each other in all their struggles for emancipation will be chastised by the common discomfiture of their incoherent efforts.”

Marx, Inaugural Address of the International Workingmen’s Association, Oct. 1864, MECW, Vol.20, p.12

“Capital is an international force. To vanquish it, an international workers’ alliance, an international workers’ brotherhood, is needed. We are opposed to national enmity and discord, to national exclusiveness. We are internationalists.”

Lenin, Letter to the Workers & Peasants of Ukraine Appropo of the Victories over Denikin, Dec. 28, 1919, CW, Vol.30, p.293

“There is one, and only one, kind of real internationalism, and that is – working whole-heartedly for the development of the revolutionary movement and the revolutionary struggle in one’s own country, and supporting (by propaganda, sympathy, and material aid) this struggle, this and only this, line in every country without exception.”

Lenin, Tasks of the Proletariat in our Revolution: Draft Platform for the Proletarian Party, April 10, 1917, CW, Vol.24, p.75

“The Bolsheviks’ tactics…were the only internationalist tactics, because they did the utmost possible in one country for the development, support and awakening of the revolution in all countries.”

Lenin, The Proletarian Revolution & the Renegade Kautsky, Oct.-Nov. 1918, CW, Vol.28, p.292

“…complete victory over capitalism cannot be won unless the proletariat and, following it, the mass of working people in all countries and nations throughout the world, voluntarily strive for alliance and unity.”

Lenin, Draft Thesis on National & Colonial Questions, for Second Congress of Communist International, June 1920, CW, Vol.31, p.151

“…This revolutionary movement of the peoples of the East can now develop effectively, can reach a successful issue, only by direct association with the revolutionary struggle of our Soviet Republic against international imperialism.”

Lenin, Address to Second All-Russia Congress of Communist Organizations of the Peoples of the East. Nov..22, 1919, CW, Vol.30, p.151

“We are now exercising our main influence on the international revolution through our economic policy…The struggle in this field has now become global. Once we solve this problem, we shall have certainly and finally won on an international scale. That is why for us questions of economic development become of absolutely exceptional importance. On this front, we must achieve victory by a steady rise and progress which must be gradual and necessarily slow.

Lenin, Speech Closing 10th All-Russia Conference of RCP (B), May 28, 1921, CW, Vol.32, p.437

“The recruitment of the whole of the population able to bear arms into the armies that henceforth could be counted only in millions, and the introduction of fire-arms, projectiles and explosives of hitherto unprecedented yield, completely transformed all warfare. This revolution, on the one hand, put an abrupt end to the Bonapartist war period and ensured peaceful industrial development by making any war other than a world war of unprecedented cruelty and absolutely incalculable outcome an impossibility. On the other hand, it caused military expenditure to rise in geometrical progression and thereby forced up taxes to exorbitant levels and drove the poorer classes of people into the arms of socialism.”

Engels, Introduction to K. Marx’s “The Class Struggle in France”, 1895, MECW, Vol.27, p.514; MESW, IP 1977, p.658

“Of course, any little thing may precipitate a conflict, but I don’t think the rulers of these countries are anxious for war. The precision and range of the quick-firing arms, and the introduction of smokeless powder, imply such a revolution in warfare that nobody can predict what will be the proper tactics for a battle fought under these novel conditions. It will be a leap in the dark. And the armies confronting each other in future will be so immense as to make all previous wars mere child’s play in comparison with the next war.”

Engels, Interview of Engels by the “Daily Chronicle” Correspondent, end of June, 1893, MECW, Vol.27, p.549

PREAMBLE

The Communist Party USA is the party of and for the U.S. working class, a class which is multiracial, multinational, and unites men and women, young and old, employed and unemployed, organized and unorganized, gay and straight, native-born and immigrant, urban and rural, and composed of workers who perform a large range of physical and mental labor—the vast majority of our society. We are the party of the African American, Mexican American, Puerto Rican, all other Latino American, Native American, Asian American, and all racially and nationally oppressed peoples, as well as women, youth, and all other working people.

The living standards of workers and the natural environment on which life depends are under constant attack due to the drive for maximum profits inherent in capitalism. Our party fights for jobs and economic security, a decent and rising standard of living, peace, justice, equality, a sustainable environment, gay rights, health care, education, affordable housing,  the needs of seniors, democracy, and a fulfilling life for everyone, with socialism as our goal. Only through the abolition of the capitalist system and the socialist reorganization of society can exploitation of human beings by others, and the evils of oppression, war, racism, environmental degradation, and poverty be ended. We seek to build a socialist society which puts people and nature before profits.

Our country’s founding Revolution exalted the ideals of equality, justice, and democracy, of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness for all. Marxists have long hailed its progressive significance, while recognizing its historical limitations, chief of which was the failure to abolish slavery. The Communist Party today upholds the continuing struggle to realize these ideals. The revolutionary democratic traditions of the United States call for radical change when injustice, inequality, and exploitation become unbearably oppressive. This legacy gives us, the working class and its allies, the right and responsibility to build a new society. We advocate an expanded Bill of Rights to guarantee religious, political, and individual freedoms, but also freedom from poverty, hunger, joblessness, and racism.

Racism plays a particularly destructive role in the life of our country, imposing severely impoverished living standards on tens of millions of the specially oppressed, and lowering the quality of life for all workers. Racism harms all workers, obstructing the development of working-class consciousness, driving wedges in class unity to divert attention from class exploitation, and creating extra profits for the capitalist class. The Communist Party is unalterably opposed to all manifestations of racism, national oppression, U.S. national chauvinism, male supremacy, homophobia, and anti-Semitism, which are used by the enemies of progress to divide the working class and people’s forces. The principles of democracy, equality, justice, and class self-interest require a joint fight against all expressions of racism and gender oppression. We fight for full equality for all who suffer from racial, national, and gender oppression as an essential aspect of the unity that is basic to all social progress.

Issues of war and peace, wealth and poverty, ecology and pollution, racial and national division, gender discrimination, and international conflict are all connected to class struggle, and have common features on which to build unity among peoples, organizations, and coalitions. The working class as the necessary leading force along with the other core forces—all racially and nationally oppressed groups, women, and youth—can build a movement that also includes the many streams of our working people—such as family farmers, small business owners, and the self-employed—who united together have the power to make fundamental progressive change.

Peace is essential for the survival of the planet and humanity. The pursuit of world domination to further enrich capitalists has resulted in destructive wars, environmental devastation, and massive poverty. The Communist Party fights for solidarity among the working class and peoples of all lands and supports their pursuit of self-determination over their own lands and economies. In the spirit of working-class internationalism, the Communist Party builds the closest bonds with Communist and Workers Parties throughout the world.

Founded in Chicago in 1919, the Communist Party of the United States has an outstanding history in the struggles for peace, democratic rights, racial and gender equality, economic justice, union organization, and international solidarity. Our Party is organized on the principle of democratic centralism, combining maximum democratic discussion and decision-making with maximum unity of will and action, ensuring our ability to play a strong organizing role in the class struggle. We focus our efforts on increasing our ability to organize millions into struggle, fighting anti-communism as a divisive weapon of the capitalist class. With Marxism-Leninism guiding our actions, the Communist Party strives to build the broadest unity against global capitalist imperialism now headed by U.S. imperialism, for immediate gains and reforms that benefit working people, and for a progressive democratization of the government, the economy, and society of our country on the road to and after winning socialism.

With pride in our past and confidence in our future, we hereby establish this Constitution of the Communist Party of the United States America.

ARTICLE I – Name

SECTION 1. The name of this organization shall be the Communist Party of the United States of America.

ARTICLE II – Principles of Organization

SECTION 1. The system of organization of the Communist Party is based upon the principle of democratic centralism, which means that decisions and policies are made through democratic procedures, and that once a final decision is made, all members are obligated to carry it out. Democratic centralism combines the maximum involvement of the membership in determining policy and in the democratic election of leading committees with responsible direction from one national center coordinating the activity of the entire Party along commonly agreed-upon lines of policy.

Unity is the strongest weapon working people have in the struggle to advance their interests. By making a commitment to unite around a program of action, members strengthen the Party and help unify the working class and peoples’ movements.

Collectivity is the basic style of work of the Party. Through group discussion and action, we seek to develop and apply the best possible plans to advance the interests of working people.

SECTION 2. Each Party body is subordinate to the next higher body, with central authority vested in the National Convention, the highest body of the Party, which not only has the authority to act on all aspects of Party policy and activity, but elects the national leadership to carry through its will and decisions between conventions.

SECTION 3. After a thorough discussion in any club, committee or convention, decisions are arrived at by majority vote. All members, including those who disagree, are duty bound to explain, fight for and carry out such decisions, as long as they do not conflict with national policies and decisions.

Decisions of leading committees on major questions shall be reported to all other Party bodies. Any member, club or committee, disagreeing with a decision, has the right to appeal the decision to the next higher body and request that the decision be reopened. While the appeal is pending, the decision must nevertheless be carried out by all members of the Party.

All appeals of decisions made to the next leading committee shall be heard by the respective body with 90 days or at the next regular meeting of the committee. Appeals may be made to successive leading committees up to and including the National Convention, provided that the appeals are made at least 30 days before the National Convention. Decisions of the National Convention are final. Once a final decision is made, no member, club, committee or leader has the right to violate the decision or to combine with others to conduct an organized struggle against the decision.

SECTION 4. Policies and decisions established by leading committees are open to review during the pre-convention discussion period set forth in Article V, Section 4, below. Members may express their views through the channels established for that purpose. All previous policies and decisions remain in full force until or unless they are changed by majority vote of the responsible committee or Convention.

SECTION 5. The principle of democratic centralism includes the obligation of all members and leaders to fulfill the decisions arrived at by the majority. Both leaders and members are bound by a common discipline.

Discipline is voluntarily assumed by members upon joining the Party and based on conviction, understanding and devotion to the cause to which the Party dedicates its efforts.

SECTION 6. The election of officers and leading committees at all levels shall be carried out with the fullest participation of the members of the elected Party bodies.

Elections shall be on the basis of a critical review and evaluation of the work of the elected body and of the individuals proposed for office. In elections to all Party committees, conventions and conferences steps shall be taken to maximize the representation of industrial workers, specially oppressed peoples and women.

Officers and leading committees are responsible both to the bodies which elected them and to the higher leading committees. All officers and members of leading committees may be released or removed from office by majority vote of the committees to which they are responsible.

SECTION 7. The Party as a whole, and each of its bodies including every club, shall plan and work for the mass circulation and use of our press and literature.

ARTICLE III – Membership

SECTION 1. Any person living in the United States, 18 years of age or over, regardless of race, color, national origin, sexual orientation, gender, or religious belief, who subscribes to the principles and purposes of the Communist Party shall be eligible for membership. The age requirement for admission to membership may be waived in individual cases by a majority vote of the State or District Committee, when, in its judgment, special circumstances warrant.

SECTION 2. An application for membership may be received by any Party member, club, State (or District), or National body. The member or Party body receiving it shall promptly refer the application to the club (if known) and the State or District Committee where the applicant resides. The club and State or District leadership shall promptly confer about the application, and shall assign one or more members to meet or communicate with the applicant as soon as possible. Unless the club or State or District leadership have information indicating that the application was false, or that admitting the applicant would be harmful to the Party organization and its goals, the applicant shall be promptly notified that he/she has been admitted to Party membership, and he/she and shall be referred to a Party club where possible. In unorganized territory, in the absence of a club, the new member shall be referred to the next leading committee having jurisdiction. It shall be the responsibility of the club, if any, or the next leading body jurisdiction, to assist the new member in becoming involved in Party education, mass work and other activities.

If an applicant is not admitted to membership, the club and State or District leadership shall notify the club having jurisdiction (if any), the State or District Committee, and National Committee of the reasons why the applicant was not admitted.

SECTION 3. A Party member shall study and accept the Party Constitution and the Party Program as determined by the Convention, belong to a Party club where possible, be willing to carry out its decisions and pay dues. Membership in the Communist Party is a voluntary act of the individual.

SECTION 4. Party members three months in arrears in payment of dues cease to be members in good standing, and shall be so informed by their club (or district) leadership. Members who are six months in arrears shall be dropped from Party membership after effort has been made by the club (or district) leadership, through personal interviews to bring such members into good standing. They may, however, apply for readmission within six months, and upon approval of the club (or district) be permitted to pay back dues and regain their former standing.

SECTION 5. A member in good standing changing his or her place of residence from one state (or district) to another, shall request the state (or district) of origin to transfer his or her membership to the new state (or district). The request for transfer normally should be made before the member changes his or her place of residence, but in any event, not more than thirty (30) days after moving to the new state (or district). The transfer may be submitted by the state (or district) of origin through the National Committee office to the new state (or district), or it may be submitted simultaneously to the new state (or district) and National Committee.

The National Committee office and the states (or districts) involved shall process the transfer request as quickly as possible, and the new state (or district) shall promptly assist the member in getting situated in the new state (or district).

ARTICLE IV – Club and State (District) Organization

SECTION 1. The basic unit of the Communist Party shall be the club. The two basic forms of the Party club shall be based on: (1) place of work or industry, with shop clubs being the goal; and (2) place of residence, with the neighborhood clubs being the goal.

Each club shall have officers and an executive committee which shall be elected at the time of the annual club conference. Elections shall be by secret ballot if such method is requested by any member of the club.

The purpose of the annual club conference shall be to project the plan of work for the coming year based on: (1) policy as established by the national and state (or district) conventions, and further refined and developed by the National Committee and state (or district) committee; and (2) a thorough and critical examination of the club’s work in the previous year.

All clubs should have officers who fulfill the following functions, where possible: chairperson, financial secretary, educational director, labor secretary, press director, literature director, and a secretary who records all decisions. Two or more functions may be performed by one person. Additional officers and committees may be elected by the club.

Officers and committees are responsible to the club, and shall report on their work to the club from time to time. Financial reports shall be submitted to the club annually. Additional financial reports must be submitted when requested by a majority vote.

SECTION 2. State and district organizations may be established by the National Committee, and may cover one state, part of one state, or more than one state. They shall be known as the “—– State Committee, Communist Party USA”, the “—– District, Communist Party USA”, or the “Communist Party of ——-, CPUSA”. Where there is more than one district in a state, the National Committee may establish such forms as are necessary to deal with questions of statewide importance.

The state (or district) organization shall comprise all clubs in one state (or district). The State (District) Committee shall have the power and duty to establish whatever subdivisions best fulfill the needs of Party work, such as state, county, city or section organizations.

The highest body of the state (or district) organization is the State (or District) Convention, which shall meet at least once every four years during the pre-convention discussion period prior to the National Convention. Each club in the state (or district) shall elect delegates to the convention in such number as the State (or District) Committee may determine, provided that the number of delegates to which each club is entitled shall be in proportion to its membership. Where there are members not attached to clubs due to geography, the State (or District) Committee may make special provisions for their representation at the State (or District) Convention. Class and national composition shall be considered in the election of delegates to the State (or District) Convention. To be eligible for election as a delegate, a member shall have been in good standing for at least six (6) months.

Members of the State (or District) Committee shall be elected in such manner and number as the State (or District) Convention may determine. All elections to the State (or District) Committee shall be by democratic process, including secret ballot.

To be eligible for election as a state or district officer or member of the State or District Committee, a member shall have been in good standing for at least one year preceding the date of the election.

The State or District Committee shall elect such officers as it deems necessary. Officers so elected shall be members of the State or District Committee by virtue of their offices, and shall be responsible to the State or District Committee. The State or District Committee may elect an executive committee and any other committees it deems necessary.

A vacancy among members of the State or District Committee may be filled until the next Convention by secret ballot and majority vote of the members of the State or District Committee.

Special State or District Conventions shall be called by a majority vote of the State or District Committee or upon the written request of clubs representing one-third of the membership.

The State or District Committee shall name a committee to administer the finances of the organization, which shall be responsible to the State or District Committee. The State or District Committee shall make a financial report to all regular State or District Conventions.

The State or District Committee shall meet at least four times a year. In districts covering large geographic areas, this requirement may be met up to three times per year through teleconferencing. A request by one-third of the members of the State or District Committee, or by one-third of the clubs, for a review of a state or district policy or adoption of a new policy requires that such a discussion be held by the State or District Committee.

ARTICLE V – National Organization

SECTION 1. The highest authority of the Party is the National Convention, which is authorized to make political and organizational decisions binding upon the entire Party and its membership.

Regular National Conventions shall be held every four years. A National Convention may be postponed beyond the four-year limit due to extraordinary circumstances by a three-fourths vote of the National Committee.

SECTION 2. The National Convention shall be composed of delegates elected by each State and District Convention by democratic process, including secret ballot, and in such number, in approximate proportion to the membership it represents, as the National Committee may determine. To be eligible for election as a delegate, the member shall have been in good standing for at least one year prior to the date of the Convention.

SECTION 3. Special National Conventions shall be called when there is an affirmative vote of 40% of the members of the National Committee or a majority vote of all State and District Committees. The office of the National Committee shall circulate any official request from any State or District Committee for a special National Convention to all other State and District Committees for their action. The time and place of special conventions shall be fixed by the National Committee. The basis for representation shall be determined in the same way as that for regular conventions.

SECTION 4. Prior to regular National Conventions, at least four months shall be provided for a pre-convention discussion period in all Party clubs and leading committees on the problems, reports, resolutions and other documents coming before the convention. During this discussion all Party members and organizations have the right to express their views and propose changes, including changes to the Party Program and amendments to the Constitution, to adopt resolutions on all questions of policy and tactics and on the work and composition of leading committees for consideration by the Convention. All policies and decisions, however, remain in full force during the pre-convention discussion.

SECTION 5. Each National Convention shall determine the number of members of the National Committee. Election of the National Committee by the National Convention shall be by secret ballot.

In the election of the National Committee, in addition to individual merit, such factors as class and social composition, wide geographic representation and political importance of the state or district organizations shall be considered.

SECTION 6. Vacancies in the National Committee may be filled by majority vote of the National Committee. Members may be released or removed by the affirmative vote of two-thirds of the members of the National Committee.

SECTION 7. The National Committee shall elect from its own membership a National Board and such officers as it decides upon. The National Committee shall establish such other committees or commissions as it deems necessary.

All such officers, committees and commissions shall be responsible to the National Committee.

SECTION 8. To be eligible for election as a national officer or member of the National Committee, a member shall have been in good standing for at least the three years preceding the election.

SECTION 9. Between National Conventions, the National Committee is responsible for the enforcement of the Constitution and the execution of the general policies adopted by the National Convention. The decisions of the National Convention shall be binding on all Party organizations and members.

Between National Conventions, the National Committee is the highest authority of the Party, representing the Party as a whole, and as such has the authority to make decisions and take action necessary and incidental to the good and welfare of the entire Party, and to act upon all problems and developments occurring between conventions. In the fulfillment of its duties, and in the exercise of its responsibilities, the National Committee shall guide and direct all of the political, organizational and educational work of the Party and organize and supervise its various departments and committees. The National Committee shall organize and direct all undertakings of importance to the entire Party, and administer the national treasury. The National Committee shall submit a financial report to each National Convention.

The National Committee and the State and District Committees shall encourage the widest discussion by the membership on all questions of theory and general line of Party policy. The shall provide organs to facilitate such discussions, provided that in the opinion of the National Committee such discussions do not hinder or impede execution of Party policy and decisions or weaken the unity of the Party in action.

The National Committee shall not make any major policy change until it has submitted the proposed change in draft form to the Party organization for debate for specified periods and for recommendations thereon. In an emergency, which must be affirmed by a two-thirds vote of the National Committee, the National Committee may adopt another procedure for making a major policy change, including a referendum vote of the entire membership or the calling of special enlarged, delegated conferences on a national or regional basis.

In the discussion of such major policy changes, rules for pre-convention discussion shall apply in regard to the proposed policy change only, except that the period of discussion may be determined by the National Committee.

SECTION 10. The National Committee shall meet at least three times per year. The officers or one-third of the members of the National Committee may call additional meetings.

SECTION 11. Summaries and reports of National Committee meetings shall be made available to State and District Committees and shall appear in digest form in publications available to the Party membership. Such reports may be published when the National Committee so determines.

All departments and leading committees shall submit reports regularly to the National Committee.

SECTION 12. The officers of the National Committee shall make known to the members of the National Committee any request of any member of the National Committee for either a review of a policy or the introduction of a new major policy question.

A request by one-third of the members of the National Committee for review of a policy or for adoption of a new policy requires that such a discussion be held by the National Committee.

ARTICLE VI – Rights and Duties of Members

SECTION 1. Every member of the Party who is in good standing has the right and duty to participate in the making of its policies and in their execution, and to participate in the elections of the Party bodies to which he or she belongs.

A member has the right, within the Party organization, to express openly and uphold his or her opinion or differences on any question as long as the Party organization has not adopted a decision. This may be accomplished in meetings of the Party organizations and in authorized publications. After a decision, a Party member who disagrees has the right to appeal successively to the next higher body, including the National Convention. At the same time every member has the duty to carry out the majority decision.

Members may critically evaluate the work of all leading committees and individual leaders, irrespective of the positions they hold, provided it is done in appropriate Party meetings, conferences, conventions or other Party bodies. No one may interfere with this right of critical evaluation. Any member may address a question or statement to a leading committee at any level. Leading committees must respond as promptly as possible.

During pre-convention discussion members have the right and duty within Party organizations and publications designated for the purpose, to discuss any and all Party policies and tactics, and the right to critically evaluate the work and composition of all leading committees.

SECTION 2. A member shall strive to attend all club meetings. Members shall continually strive to improve their political knowledge and their understanding of Marxism-Leninism, to take part in the discussion of Party policy, to initiate activities, to work of the aims and policies of the Party, and to seek to win new members to its ranks. They shall also read, circulate and help improve Party publications. All members shall circulate the press and make work with the press central to their mass activity.

Each member shall critically evaluate the work of Party collectives and his/her own activity, with the aim of improving the work of the Party, its bodies, and his or her own activity. The National Committee and leadership at all levels shall take the initiative and give the lead for the development of the fullest critical evaluation and self-evaluation in regard to improving its work.

SECTION 3: It shall be the obligation of all Party members to struggle for the unity of the working class, against all forms of national oppression, national chauvinism, discrimination and segregation, against all racist ideologies and practices, such as white chauvinism and anti-Semitism. It shall be the duty of all Party members to fight for the full social, political and economic equality of the African-American, Mexican-American, Puerto Rican, Native American Indians, Asian and Pacific Islanders, other oppressed minorities, immigrants and the foreign born, and to promote the unity of all people as essential to the advancement of their common interests.

It shall be the obligation of all Party members to struggle against all manifestations of male supremacy and discrimination against women, and to fight for the full social, political and economic equality for women.

It shall be the obligation of all Party members to struggle against homophobia and all manifestations of discrimination against gays, lesbians, bisexual and transgender people, and to fight for their full social and civil rights.

SECTION 4. All leading committees shall seek a maximum of consultation with other committees, Party clubs and the membership in policy formation, and especially with those comrades directly involved. In the period between conventions, the various Party organizations, from Section Committee to National Committee, may organize delegated conferences to evaluate Party work in a given field or to develop a position on new issues which may arise.

Other forms of consultation may include membership referendum.

SECTION 5. All Party members who are eligible must belong to their respective labor unions. If no union exists at a Party member’s place of employment, he or she shall strive to organize, or help to organize, a labor union whenever possible.

SECTION 6. All Party members working in coalitions and mass organizations (such as labor unions, farm, community, civil rights, fraternal, religious, etc.) shall promote and strengthen the unity and leading role of the working class, and fight for the broadest possible unity of the working class and its allies, in the course of fighting for their needs.

SECTION 7. All members who are eligible shall register and vote in all public elections, wherever possible.

SECTION 8. The Party shall give full aid in the acquisition of United States citizenship to those of its members who, because of unjust and undemocratic laws and practices, are deprived of this right.

ARTICLE VII – Disciplinary Procedures and Appeals

SECTION 1. Subject to the provisions of this Article, any member or officer of the Party may be reprimanded, put on probation, suspended for a specified period, removed from office, dropped or expelled from the Party for actions detrimental to the interests of the Party and the working class, for factionalism, for making false statements in an application for membership, for financial irregularities, or for advocacy or practice of racial, national or religious discrimination, or discrimination on the basis of gender or sexual orientation.

No action, including dropping, may be taken against a member without notifying him or her of the action and the reason for it. Assistance should be given to help comrades to overcome weaknesses and shortcomings, when possible.

SECTION 2. Subject to the provisions of this Article, any member shall be expelled from the Party who is a strikebreaker, a provocateur, engaged in espionage, an informer, or who advocates force and violence or terrorism, or who participates in the activities of any group which acts to undermine or overthrow any democratic institutions through which the majority of the American people can express their right to determine their destiny.

SECTION 3. Charges against individual members or committees may be made by any member or Party committee to the club of which the accused is a member or to the appropriate higher committee having jurisdiction.

All such charges shall be handled expeditiously by an elected trial committee of the club or appropriate higher body. The trial committee shall hear charges, make recommendations and then disband.

SECTION 4. All accused persons concerned in disciplinary cases, except publicly self-admitted informers and provocateurs, must be notified of the charges against them, shall have the right to appear, to bring witnesses, including non-members if agreed to by the trial committee, and to testify. The burden of proof shall be on the accusers.

SECTION 5. After hearing the report of the trial committee, the club or leading committee having jurisdiction shall have the right to decide by a two-thirds vote upon any disciplinary measure, including expulsion. Disciplinary measures taken by leading committees shall be reported to the club of each accused member. Higher bodies must be informed of all disciplinary actions above a reprimand. There shall be an automatic review of all expulsions by the next higher body.

SECTION 6. Any member or committee that has been subject to disciplinary action has the right to appeal to the next higher body up to the National Convention, whose decision shall be final. The National, State (or District) or other leading committee shall set a hearing within 60 days from the date of receipt of the appeal and notify the appellant of the hearing date. When, however, the appeal is to a State, District or National Convention, the appeal shall be acted upon by the Convention following the filing of the appeal, provided that such appeal is made at least 30 days prior to the convention.

ARTICLE VIII – Initiation Fees, Dues and Assessments

SECTION 1. Initiation fees and dues shall be paid according to rates fixed by the National Convention. Between National Conventions, the National Committee may revise the rates of initiation fees and dues by a two-thirds vote of the National Committee.

SECTION 2. The income from dues and initiation fees shall be apportioned among the various subdivisions of the Party as determined by the National Convention, or by a two-thirds vote of the National Committee between conventions.

SECTION 3. Special assessments may be levied by the National Convention or by a two-thirds vote of the National Committee.

All local or state (or district) assessments are prohibited except by special permission of the National Committee.

ARTICLE IX – Amendment

SECTION 1. This Constitution may be amended by a majority vote of any regular or special National Convention, or by membership referendum initiated by the National Committee or one-third of the state and district organizations. It may also be amended by three-fourths vote of the National Committee and a majority vote of the majority of the State and District Committees. This vote must be preceded by a minimum of a two-month discussion period in the Party organization.

ARTICLE X – Authority

SECTION 1. The Communist Party is not responsible for any political document, policy, book, article, or any other statement of political opinion except such as are issued by authority of the National Conventions and the regularly constituted leadership of the Party.

Amended July 8, 2001 at the 27th National Convention, Milwaukee, WI.

How democrats and progressives squandered a great opportunity

By James Thompson

As election results roll in and the Republican party notches up a great victory for reaction, many people will probably ask, “How did this happen here?” How could an electorate fired up for progressive change just two years ago fall flat on its face? What did the Democratic Party do to lose the overwhelming support it received in the last election cycle?

Many will say that it is because fantastic amounts of money were unleashed to support the hysterical theatrics of the ultra-right as embodied in the Tea Party movement. This is, of course, correct. The recent “Citizens United” decision of the U.S. Supreme court will change the way elections are held until this anti-working class ruling is overturned. The ruling makes it possible for corporations to pour vast amounts of money into the campaigns of candidates who support their interests and the source of these contributions do not have to be disclosed to the public. Corporations can easily outspend working class individuals and organizations with ease. We saw this in this election with hateful right wing ads attacking anything that dared stand in the way of the interests of the ultra wealthy. Without a doubt, the mainstream media coverage of the elections focused on the nuttiest of the right-wing fringe. Certainly, money is always a problem where democracy is concerned.

However, there were some other factors that made it easier for the right wing to do their dirty work. Since Obama took office, the working class has been extremely polarized. Racism has raised its ugly head fueled by money from the ultra-right. Progressives for the most part have failed to meet the challenge of fighting racism in the last two years. Anti-communism has been unleashed once again through the voice of hysterical pundits and this has served to confuse the working people of this country. Anyone who falls to the left of Karl Rove on the political spectrum has been branded a “socialist” and many people fall for this since they don’t have a clue about what socialism really means. Socialists have failed to meet this challenge and have made little effort to clarify what socialism actually means.

Class-collaborationism has also returned. Some progressive organizations and political parties have failed to sharply criticize the Democratic party and its politicians on their policies which favor the wealthy class. Indeed, some have insisted on marching in lockstep with Obama and some of the reactionary Democrats in the name of unity of the working class. When the Obama administration and former President Clinton worked against the labor backed candidate in Arkansas, you didn’t hear a peep from the left. When Rahm Emanuel declared “F— the UAW!”, the left was no where to be seen or heard. These anti-labor stances were confusing to organized labor and working people in general.

In Texas, which is one of the most reactionary states in the nation, the elections can only be characterized as being chaotic and confusing. A friend of mine, an African American woman, told me that she was faced with an awful dilemma. She lives in Tom Delay’s old district where Anglo male Republican Ted Olson faced an African American Democrat female Kesha Rogers. Rogers advocates the impeachment of President Obama. My friend was forced to vote for the Republican candidate because he was more moderate than the Democrat. In my district, a right wing Republican only faced a minor challenge by a Libertarian candidate. No Democrat opposed him. In Dallas, Eddie Bernice Johnson, a progressive Democrat, is fighting for her seat. She is opposed by a right wing Republican African American male Baptist minister who is calling for the violent overthrow of the U.S. government if the Republicans don’t win control of Congress. All of these shenanigans are very confusing to voters being bombarded by attack ads every night on TV.

A friend of mine recently reminded me that when there is no tension between opposing forces, there can be no progress. Frederick Douglass said, “Without a struggle, there can be no progress.” This is what is missing today in the class struggle. Working class unity is needed to overcome the powerful influence of the corporations, but this does not mean following the Democratic party program to the letter. Progressives should support Democrats who fight for the interests of the working class and should support policies which favor working class interests. However, we should oppose with all our might any politician and/or policy which favors the interests of the wealthy. If we do this, we can answer the question “Which side are you on?” with a great deal of pride.

PHill1917@comcast.net

Interest in the Communist Party USA is rising across the South. We have gotten inquiries about our party, our program, our philosophy and our strategy, from all the Southern states. Many people are asking how to join and become active. Many also want to know how we are organized and how to form clubs or study groups. Many have also participated in our on-line webinars and discussions.

Because of this interest, and because we are seeing clusters of inquiries from areas of Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Tennessee, Arkansas and Kentucky, we are planning a two-week trip through these areas.

Two of our national organizers, Labor Secretary Scott Marshall and People’s World correspondent Jim Lane, will be traveling the South to meet with interested folks. We want to help in establishing ties with the national organization and to explore working together in your area.

Scott and Jim will be on the road from November 11-24. 2010.

If you live in any of the Southern states listed above, please let us know as soon as possible if you would be available to meet so we can plan our schedule. We will also be available for public speaking and public meetings if any of you would like to help plan such events.

If you are interested in meeting and discussing our work please respond quickly. You can email us at members@cpusa.org or call us at (646) 437-5343.

Thanks for your interest and hope to see you soon.

In Struggle,

Bill Davis & Esther Moroze
for the CPUSA Membership Committee