Category: Economy
Africa: Privatizing Land and Seeds
| February 18, 2015 | 9:01 pm | Africa, Analysis, Ebola, Economy, Health Care, International | Comments closed

AfricaFocus Bulletin
February 18, 2015 (150218)
(Reposted from sources cited below)

Editor’s Note

“The G8 New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition was launched in
2012 by the eight most industrialised countries to mobilise private
capital for investment in African agriculture. To be accepted into
the programme, African governments are required to make important
changes to their land and seed policies. … [for example] Despite
the fact that more than 80% of all seed in Africa is still produced
and disseminated through ‘informal’ seed systems (on-farm seed
saving and unregulated distribution between farmers), there is no
recognition in the New Alliance programme of the importance of
farmer-based systems of saving, sharing, exchanging and selling
seeds.” – Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa and GRAIN, January
2015

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Countless reports by global and African agencies highlight the
critical role for agriculture in African development. Almost all
agree that small farmers are key to addressing poverty and food
insecurity. But many policies, such as those described in this new
report from the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa and GRAIN,
lead in practice to empowerment of agribusiness giants rather than
small farmers. By imposing legal frameworks based on Western
industrial agriculture, powerful interests make a mockery of
international pledges to help small farmers.

This AfricaFocus Bulletin contains excerpts from the report “Land
and Seed Laws under Attack: Who is pushing changes in Africa?” (full
report available at http://tinyurl.com/m5g8zje)

For summary talking points and previous AfricaFocus Bulletins on
food and agriculture issues, visit
http://www.africafocus.org/intro-ag.php

There are a host of reports on specific cases of land grabs and
sometimes on successful challenges to them. The sources cited below
are only a sampling.

For a report by Nigerian and international groups on a recent
contested case of land grabbing in Taraba state in eastern Nigeria
(a rice plantation under the control of U.S.-based agribusiness firm
Dominion Farms), see http://tinyurl.com/pr463qr

For a recent case in Senegal, researched by ActionAid, visit
http://tinyurl.com/mrhhuy4 For more information on ActionAid work on
land rights, visit http://tinyurl.com/pdt7kny

For a case in Ghana, where Herakles Farms abandoned its investments
after community protests, see the report by the Africa Faith and
Justice Network (http://afjn.org; direct URL:
http://tinyurl.com/mfftstg).

In addition to the organizations cited in this report, and the cases
just cited, AfricaFocus particularly recommends, for case studies
and current information on the status of land grabbing in Africa,
the website of the Oakland Institute at
http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/land-rights-issue The Oakland
Institute and other groups are active in a campaign to have the
World Bank stop promoting land grabs through its “doing business”
ratings. Visit http://ourlandourbusiness.org/ for more details.

For extensive research on seeds and food sovereignty in Africa, see
also the website of the African Centre for Biosafely (
http://www.acbio.org.za/)

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Ebola Perspectives

[AfricaFocus is regularly monitoring and posting links on
Ebola on social media. For
additional links, see http://www.facebook.com/AfricaFocus]

New and of particular interest:

Jina Moore, Buzzfeed, February 12 http://tinyurl.com/mjagccr – map
showing Liberia “very close” to end of Ebola. Total number of days
since last case over 21 in all counties except Montserrado
(Monrovia)

WHO, Situation Report, February 11 http://tinyurl.com/lygs4b5
Not quite as optimistic. “Total weekly case incidence increased for
the second consecutive week, with 144 new confirmed cases reported
in the week to 8 February.” Cases up in Guinea and Sierra Leone,
although still low in Liberia.

Shawn Radcliffe, Healthline, “Ebola Crisis Eases in Africa. Now
What?” February 12 http://tinyurl.com/n8p7csf
Need for vigilance, plus long-term planning for recovery of
economies & building sustainable health systems

++++++++++++++++++++++end editor’s note+++++++++++++++++

Land and Seed Laws under Attack: Who is pushing changes in Africa?

Report

Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA; http://afsafrica.org)
and GRAIN ( http://www.grain.org)

[Full text of report at http://tinyurl.com/m5g8zje and
http://www.grain.org /e/5121]

January 2015

Who is pushing changes in Africa?

A battle is raging for control of resources in Africa — land,
water, seeds, minerals, ores, forests, oil, renewable energy
sources. Agriculture is one of the most important theatres of this
battle. Governments, corporations, foundations and development
agencies are pushing hard to commercialise and industrialise African
farming.

Many of the key players are well known. They are committed to
helping agribusiness become the continent’s primary food commodity
producer. To do this, they are not only pouring money into projects
to transform farming operations on the ground — they are also
changing African laws to accommodate the agribusiness agenda.

Privatising both land and seeds is essential for the corporate model
to flourish in Africa. With regard to agricultural land, this means
pushing for the official demarcation, registration and titling of
farms. It also means making it possible for foreign investors to
lease or own farmland on a long-term basis. With regard to seeds, it
means having governments require that seeds be registered in an
official catalogue in order to be traded. It also means introducing
intellectual property rights over plant varieties and criminalising
farmers who ignore them. In all cases, the goal is to turn what has
long been a commons into something that corporates can control and
profit from.

This survey aims to provide an overview of just who is pushing for
which specific changes in these areas — looking not at the plans
and projects, but at the actual texts that will define the new
rules. It was not easy to get information about this … We did
learn a few things, though:

* While there is a lot of civil society attention focused on the
G8’s New Alliance for Food and Nutrition, there are many more actors
doing many similar things across Africa. Our limited review makes it
clear that the greatest pressure to change land and seed laws comes
from Washington DC — home to the World Bank, USAID and the MCC
[Millennium Challenge Corporation].

* Land certificates — which should be seen as a stepping stone to
formal land titles — are being promoted as an appropriate way to
“securitise” poor peoples’ rights to land. But how do we define the
term “land securitisation”? As the objective claimed by most of the
initiatives dealt with in this report, it could be understood as
strengthening land rights. Many small food producers might conclude
that their historic cultural rights to land — however they may be
expressed — will be better recognised, thus protecting them from
expropriation. But for many governments and corporations, it means
the creation of Western-type land markets based on formal
instruments like titles and leases that can be traded. … So in a
world of grossly unequal players, “security” is shorthand for
market, private property and the power of the highest bidder.

* Most of today’s initiatives to address land laws, including those
emanating from Africa, are overtly designed to accommodate, support
and strengthen investments in land and large-scale land deals,
rather than achieve equity or to recognise longstanding or
historical community rights over land at a time of rising conflicts
over land and land resources.

* Most of the initiatives to change current land laws come from
outside Africa. Yes, African structures like the African Union and
the Pan-African Parliament are deeply engaged in facilitating
changes to legislation in African states, but many people question
how “indigenous” these processes really are. It is clear that
strings are being pulled, by Washington and Europe in particular, to
alter land governance in Africa.

* When it comes to seed laws, the picture is reversed. Subregional
African bodies — SADC, COMESA, OAPI and the like — are working to
create new rules for the exchange and trade of seeds. But the
recipes they are applying — seed marketing restrictions and plant
variety protection schemes — are borrowed directly from the US and
Europe.

* The changes to seed policy being promoted by the G8 New Alliance,
the World Bank and others refer to neither farmer-based seed systems
nor farmers’ rights. They make no effort to strengthen farming
systems that are already functioning. Rather, the proposed solutions
are simplified, but unworkable solutions to complex situations that
will not work — though an elite category of farmers may enjoy some
small short term benefits.

* With seeds, which represent a rich cultural heritage of Africa’s
local communities, the push to transform them into income-generating
private property, and marginalise traditional varieties, is still
making more headway on paper than in practice. This is due to many
complexities, one of which is the growing awareness of and popular
resistance to the seed industry agenda. But the resolve of those who
intend to turn Africa into a new market for global agroinput
suppliers is not to be underestimated. The path chosen will have
profound implications for the capacity of African farmers to adapt
to climate change.

This report was drawn up jointly by the Alliance for Food
Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA) and GRAIN. AFSA is a pan-African
platform comprising networks and farmer organisations championing
small African family farming based on agro-ecological and indigenous
approaches that sustain food sovereignty and the livelihoods of
communities. GRAIN is a small international organisation that aims
to support small farmers and social movements in their struggles for
community-controlled and biodiversity-based food systems.

The report was researched and initially drafted by Mohamed
Coulibaly, an independent legal expert in Mali, with support from
AFSA members and GRAIN staff. …

Initiatives targeting both land and seed laws

G8 New Alliance on Food Security and Nutrition – Initiated by the G8
countries: Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia, UK and US

– Timeframe: 2012-2022

– Implemented in 10 African countries: Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte
d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Ghana, Malawi, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal and
Tanzania

The G8 New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition was launched in
2012 by the eight most industrialised countries to mobilise private
capital for investment in African agriculture. To be accepted into
the programme, African governments are required to make important
changes to their land and seed policies. The New Alliance
prioritises granting national and transnational corporations (TNCs)
new forms of access and control to the participating countries’
resources, and gives them a seat at the same table as aid donors and
recipient governments. As of July 2014, ten African countries had
signed Cooperative Framework Agreements (CFAs) to implement the New
Alliance programme. Under these agreements, these governments
committed to 213 policy changes. Some 43 of these changes target
land laws, with the overall stated objective of establishing “clear,
secure and negotiable rights to land” — tradeable property titles.

The New Alliance also aims to implement both the Voluntary
Guidelines (VGs) on Responsible Land Tenure adopted by the Committee
on World Food Security in 2012, and the Principles for Responsible
Agriculture Investment drawn up by the World Bank, FAO, IFAD and UN
Conference on Trade and Development. This is considered especially
important since the New Alliance directly facilitates access to
farmland in Africa for investors. To achieve this, the New Alliance
Leadership Council, a self-appointed body composed of public and
private sector representatives, in September 2014 decided to come up
with a single set of guidelines to ensure that the land investments
made through the Alliance are “responsible” and not land grabs. As
to seeds, all of the participating states, with the exception of
Benin, agreed to adopt plant variety protection laws and rules for
marketing seeds that better support the private sector. Despite the
fact that more than 80% of all seed in Africa is still produced and
disseminated through ‘informal’ seed systems (on-farm seed saving
and unregulated distribution between farmers), there is no
recognition in the New Alliance programme of the importance of
farmer-based systems of saving, sharing, exchanging and selling
seeds.

African governments are being co-opted into reviewing their seed
trade laws and supporting the implementation of Plant Variety
Protection (PVP) laws. The strategy is to first harmonise seed trade
laws such as border control measures, phytosanitary control, variety
release systems and certification standards at the regional level,
and then move on to harmonising PVP laws. The effect is to create
larger unified seed markets, in which the types of seeds on offer
are restricted to commercially protected varieties. The age old
rights of farmers to replant saved seed is curtailed and the
marketing of traditional varieties of seed is strictly prohibited.

Concerns have been raised about how this agenda privatises seeds and
the potential impacts this could have on small-scale farmers.
Farmers will lose control of seeds regulated by a commercial system.
There are also serious concerns about the loss of biodiversity
resulting from a focus on commercial varieties.

The World Bank

The World Bank is a significant player in catalysing the growth and
expansion of agribusiness in Africa. It does this by financing
policy changes and projects on the ground. In both cases, the Bank
targets land and seed laws as key tools for advancing and protecting
the interests of the corporate sector.

The Bank’s work on policy aims at increasing agricultural production
and productivity through programmes called “Agriculture Development
Policy Operations” (AgDPOs).

Besides financing AgDPOs, the World Bank directly supports
agriculture development projects. Some major World Bank projects
with land tenure components are presented in Annex 2, with a focus
on the legal arrangements developed to make land available for
corporate investors. These projects are much more visible than the
AgDPOs and their names are well known in each country: PDIDAS in
Senegal, GCAP in Ghana, Bagrépole in Burkina. …

Initiatives targeting land laws

African Union Land Policy Initiative

The African Union (AU), together with the African Development Bank
(AfDB) and the UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), has been
spearheading a Land Policy Initiative (LPI) since 2006. Mainly a
response to land grabbing on the continent, the LPI is meant to
strengthen and change national policies and laws on land. It is
funded by the EU, IFAD, UN Habitat, World Bank, France and
Switzerland. LPI is expected to become an African Centre on Land
Policies after 2016.

The LPI is designed to implement the African Declaration on Land
Issues and Challenges, adopted by the AU Summit of Heads of State in
July 2009. …

One important undertaking of the LPI is the development of a set of
Guiding Principles on Large-Scale Land-Based Investments (LSLBI)
meant to ensure that land acquisitions in Africa “promote inclusive
and sustainable development”. The Guiding Principles were adopted by
the Council of agriculture ministers in June 2014, and are awaiting
endorsement by the AU Summit of Heads of States and government.

The Guiding Principles have several objectives, including guiding
decision making on land deals (recognising that large scale land
acquisitions may not be the most appropriate form of investment);
providing a basis for a monitoring and evaluation framework to track
land deals in Africa; and providing a basis for reviewing existing
large scale land contracts. The Guiding Principles draw lessons from
global instruments and initiatives to regulate land deals including
the Voluntary Guidelines and the Principles for Responsible
Agricultural Investments in the Context of Food Security and
Nutrition. They also take into account relevant human rights
instruments. But because the Guiding Principles are not a binding
instrument and lack an enforcement mechanism, it is far from certain
that they will prove any more effective than other voluntary
frameworks on land. They are, however, widely accepted and supported
on the continent as the first “African response” to the issue of
land grabbing.

[For more on other similar initiatives see full report]

Initiatives introducing seed laws

Under the rubric “seeds laws” there are various types of legal and
policy initiatives that directly affect what kind of seeds small
scale farmers can use. We focus on two: intellectual property laws,
which grant state-sanctioned monopolies to plant breeders (at the
expense of farmers’ rights), and seed marketing laws, which regulate
trade in seeds (often making it illegal to exchange or market
farmers’ seeds).

Plant Variety Protection

Plant variety protection (PVP) laws are specialised intellectual
property rules designed to establish and protect monopoly rights for
plant breeders over the plants types (varieties) they have
developed. PVP is an offshoot of the patent system. All members of
the World Trade Organization (WTO) are obliged to adopt some form of
PVP law, according to the WTO’s Agreement on Trade- Related Aspects
of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). But how they do so is up to
national governments.

African Regional Intellectual Property Organisation (ARIPO) draft
PVP Protocol

– Draft PVP Protocol to be implemented in the 19 ARIPO member
states: Botswana, Gambia, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique,
Namibia, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Rwanda, São Tomé and Príncipe,
Somalia, Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

ARIPO is the regional counterpart of the UN’s World Intellectual
Property Organisation (WIPO) for Anglophone Africa. It was
established under the Lusaka Agreement signed in 1976. In November
2009, ARIPO’s Council of Ministers approved a proposal for ARIPO to
develop a policy and legal framework which would form the basis for
the development of the ARIPO Protocol on the Protection of New
Varieties of Plants (the PVP Protocol). Adopted in November 2013,
the legal framework was formulated into a Draft PVP Protocol in 2014
during a diplomatic conference.

The Draft PVP Protocol establishes unified procedures and
obligations for the protection of plant breeder’s rights in all
ARIPO member states. These rights will be granted by a single
authority established by ARIPO to administer the whole system on
behalf of its member states.

The Protocol is based on the rules contained in the 1991 Act of the
UPOV Convention. It therefore establishes legal monopolies
(“protection”) on new plant varieties for 20-25 years, depending on
the crop. Farmers will not be able to save and re-use seed from
these varieties on their own farms except for specifically
designated crops, within reasonable limits, and upon annual payment
of royalties. Under no circumstances will they be able to exchange
or sell seeds harvested from such varieties. …

The Protocol is hotly contested by civil society. AFSA, for
instance, is on record for vehemently opposing the ARIPO PV Protocol
on the grounds that it, inter alia, severely erodes farmers’ rights
and the right to food. On the other hand, industry associations have
been consulted extensively in the process of drafting the ARIPO PVP
Protocol. …

[For more on other similar initiatives, see full report.]

Seed marketing rules

The second category of seed laws consists of rules governing seeds
marketing in and among countries. A number of current initiatives
aim to harmonise these rules among African states belonging to the
same Regional Economic Community. But through harmonisation, states
are actually being encouraged to “liberalise” the seed market. This
means limiting the role of the public sector in seed production and
marketing, and creating new space and new rights for the private
sector instead. In this process, farmers lose their freedom to
exchange and/or sell their own seeds. This legal shift is
deliberately meant to lead to the displacement and loss of peasant
seeds, because they are considered inferior and unproductive
compared to corporate seeds.

Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA)

The Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) was established
in 2006 by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the Rockefeller
Foundation. It is currently funded by several development
ministries, foundations and programmes, including DFID, IFAD and the
Government of Kenya. AGRA’s objective is to “catalyse a uniquely
African Green Revolution based on small- holder farmers so that
Africa would be food self-sufficient and food secure.” AGRA focuses
on five areas: seeds, soil health, market access, policy and
advocacy and support to farmers’ organisations.

On seeds, AGRA’s activities are implemented through the Programme
for Africa’s Seed Systems (PASS). PASS focuses on the breeding,
production and distribution of so-called “improved” seeds. AGRA’s
action on seeds policies and laws, however, is carried out through
its Policy Programme, whose goal is to establish an “enabling
environment”, including seed and land policy reforms, to boost
private investment in agriculture and encourage farmers to change
practices. This specifically includes getting the public sector out
of seed production and distribution.

AGRA’s seed policy work aims to strengthen internal seed laws and
regulations, reduce delays in the release of new varieties,
facilitate easy access to public germplasm, support the
implementation of regionally harmonised seed laws and regulations,
eliminate trade restrictions and establish an African Seed
Investment Fund to support seed businesses.

In Ghana, for example, AGRA helped the government review its seed
policies with the goal of identifying barriers to the private sector
getting more involved. With technical and financial support from
AGRA, the country’s seed legislation was revised and a new pro-
business seed law was passed in mid-2010. Among other things it
established a register of varieties that can be marketed. In
Tanzania, discussions between AGRA and government representatives
facilitated a major policy change to privatise seed production. In
Malawi, AGRA supported the government in revising its maize pricing
and trade policies. AGRA is also funding a $300,000 seeds project
for the East African Community that started in July 2014 and will be
implemented over the next two years. Its objective is to get EAC
farmers to switch to so-called improved seeds and to harmonise the
seed and fertilizer policies of Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and
Uganda.

[For more on other similar initiatives, see full report]

*****************************************************

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Ukraine Woman from Zaporozhia region Brilliantly Takes down the War and the Draft
| February 17, 2015 | 7:40 pm | Analysis, Economy, International, political struggle, Russia, Ukraine | Comments closed

Striking Oil Workers Say They’re Fighting Deadly Working Conditions
| February 13, 2015 | 8:24 pm | Analysis, Economy, Labor, Local/State, National, USW | Comments closed

BY Rebecca Burns

http://inthesetimes.com/working/entry/17623/oil_strike

A worker at the Richmond, California, Chevron refinery and her family on the picket line. The strike—the first in a generation—has now entered its second week.   (Rebecca Burns)

MARTINEZ, CALIFORNIA—During the nearly four decades he’s worked at the Golden Eagle refinery here, Howard Jones has seen four changes in the facility’s ownership and three major workplace accidents. What Jones, a mechanical designer in the plant’s engineering department, wasn’t expecting to see was another day when workers at the plant would walk off the job en masse.

“I was hoping I’d be retired before we had to do that again,” says Jones, who took part in the 1980 strike that shut down oil refineries across the country. Last week, Jones and nearly 3,800 members of the United Steelworkers (USW) once again walked off the job in the first nationwide strike at refineries in more than 30 years.

The union says that its members are engaged in an unfair labor practices (ULP) work stoppage as a result of oil companies’ bad-faith bargaining, refusal to discuss safety improvements, and other non-wage issues. that it is seeking in national contract negotiations (though a USW spokesperson says that no ULPs have yet been filed). The Steelworkers’ current contract expired on February 1.

On Saturday, USW members staged rallies at more than 60 refineries across the country as part of a national day of action meant to spur oil companies to settle an agreement with U.S refinery owners, led by Royal Dutch Shell. The union rejected a new contract offer made on Thursday, saying it made “minimal movement” on key concerns.

USW and Shell resumed meeting on Tuesday, but an update sent to union members reported that “little progress” had been made in negotiations.

Among the changes the union is seeking are lower out-of-pocket healthcare costs, a reduction in the use of non-union contractors and adequate staffing and protections to address what workers call a “fatigue policy”: contiguous 12-hour shifts for up to two weeks at a time. Gas and oil workers are more than six times more likely to die on the job than the average American, and the union asserts that forced overtime and industry corner-cutting drive up fatalities.

At a rally Saturday at the Golden Eagle refinery, now owned by Tesoro, striking workers were joined by their counterparts from nearby Chevron and Shell plants, as well as members from several local unions and community groups. Workers at other Bay Area-refineries are still on the job, but could join the stoppage if no resolution is reached. Yesterday, the strike widened to include two BP refineries in Indiana and Ohio, bringing the total number of workers involved to nearly 5,000 at 11 refineries and chemical plants nationwide.

BP said in a statement that it was “disappointed” that the union is launching a strike at the two refineries.

Oil companies have kept most of these refineries operating in spite of the work stoppage. As reported by Reuters, refinery owners are expected to reprise some of the same measures used during the 1980 strike, such as sending managers to fill union positions.

That strike lasted more than three months, and Jones remembers the hardship that this caused among his fellow employees. The stress of the long campaign led to more than one divorce, and one union member committed suicide, he says. But ultimately, the strike led to important gains in workers’ wages and benefits, Jones says, as well as a stronger hand in designing workplace safety measures.

Today, Tesoro workers say that they are excluded from decisions that impact their health and safety. The Tesoro plant has gained a reputation as one of the most dangerous workplaces in the industry since four workers died in a 1999 explosion, and Jones fears that safety could deteriorate further in the wake of the company’s 2012 decision to cancel an accident prevention and investigation program administered by the union and to back out of another safety program run by the California Occupational Safety and Health Administrations.

“Those programs did a lot of good,” he says, “But I don’t think management liked union people drilling down into their policies.”

As a member of the local bargaining committee, Jones hopes that the first oil strike in a generation can once again improve conditions at the facility.“It’s about showing the company that we’re willing to fight,” he says.

Unions representing oil companies use a process known as “pattern bargaining,” under which negotiations proceed at two levels. “National Oil Bargaining” talks take place between Shell and the USW and focus on establishing a pattern of wages, benefits and working conditions. Bargaining by union locals proceeds simultaneously, but excludes issues being discussed at the national table. Bay Area refineries, represented by the USW Local 5, are contending with a host of safety issues specific to each plant, as well the establishment of a civil and human rights committee to concentrate on increasing the number of women and people of color hired at the plant.

Angelina Salinas, who works at the Chevron refinery in Richmond, California, rallied Saturday with a sign reading, “Women and Minorities Matter.” She emphasized that all union members at her plant share a common set of issues, but that women in particular “have to fight for fair treatment.” At the Shell plant in Martinez, the union says that management has not released figures on how many women and minorities are employed at the plant.

In August 2012, Richmond was the site of a devastating refinery fire that landed more than 15,000 area residents in the hospital with injuries like smoke inhalation. There were no fatalities, but the blaze was a near-miss for 19 workers enveloped in a vapor cloud that was released when a corroded pipe ruptured. An investigation by the U.S. Chemical Safety Board (CSB) concluded that Chevron had known about the corrosion for 10 years but had ignored a series of dire reports from its own technical personnel.

In January, the CSB released a final report, outlining a “flawed safety culture” that exerted pressure on employees to maintain operations even in the face of leaks and other serious hazards. Though Chevron maintains that employees already have a “stop work authority” to shut down operations in case of problems, the union says that managers often second-guess or punish workers who use it, and is seeking a stronger codification of stop work authority in local bargaining.

As In These Times has reported previously, the Chevron refinery fire touched off unprecedented levels of collaboration between labor and environmental justice groups in Richmond, bridging a gulf between two groups that are often portrayed as fundamentally at odds with each other. But USW Local 5 and local environmental organizations have repeatedly made the case that worker safety and community safety are intertwined—an argument that, as labor writer Steve Early noted last week, recalls the strong blue-green alliances built under the leadership of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers (OCAW) union (which merged with the USW in 1999) during a series of nationwide oil strikes in the 1970s.

As the strike rolls into its second week, some green groups may join workers on the picket line. “The oil companies are creating conditions that make it impossible for refinery workers to protect us,” said Joe Uehlein, executive eirector of the Labor Network for Sustainability, in a statement addressed to environmental activists. “Their strike is about making conditions that are safe and healthy for workers and communities.”

Rebecca Burns is an In These Times assistant editor based in Chicago, where she also covers labor, housing and higher education. Her writing has also appeared in Al Jazeera America, Jacobin, Truthout, AlterNet and Waging Nonviolence. She can be reached at rebecca[at]inthesetimes.com. Follow her on Twitter @rejburns

Houston, we have a problem: Strike at major oil refineries
| February 13, 2015 | 7:10 am | Analysis, Economy, Labor, Local/State, National, USW | Comments closed
SOURCE: People’s World

February 6 2015

HOUSTON – In the largest strike since 1980, oil workers who are members of USW District 13 locals (Locals 13-1 and Local 13-227) are no longer on the job on the Houston Channel, which is the largest petrochemical complex in the world. The strike kicked off Feb. 1.
Combined, the three refineries impacted by the first strike actions have a total capacity of 700,000 barrels per day.  This represents 10 percent of U.S. refining capacity. The Houston Ship channel strikes are part of a national strike by oil workers that includes nine refineries and chemical plants in California, Kentucky, Texas, and Washington.
The three plants impacted by the strike in Houston include Shell Oil Refinery and Chemical Plant, Lyondell Basell Refinery, and Marathon (refinery and cogeneration facility). A total of 2,200 striking workers are in District 13 and a total of 5,000 in the greater Houston area. The remaining refineries and oil facilities are operating under a rolling 24-hour contract extension.
The USW said in a statement that it “represents 850,000 men and women employed in metals, mining, pulp and paper, rubber, chemicals, glass, auto supply, and energy-producing industries, along with a growing number of workers in public sector and service occupations. Union members also account for 64 percent of the country’s oil refining capacity, and more locations could soon join the strike if necessary.”
The union is under attack in Texas, with USW members locked out at the Sherwin Alumina plant in Corpus Christi and the ASARCO facility in Amarillo. The attack on the union is occurring while the industry made record profits.  Royal Dutch Shell announced earnings of $19 billion in 2014. LyondellBasell had record profits of 7.1 billion (EBITD) in 2014, cash generation of $6.0 billion. These profits in large part went to reward stock holders rather than repairs, stock repurchases over worker safety, to the tune of $7.2 billion in dividends. This largesse extended to a jump in compensation for their corporate officers.
The USW oil workers plan a noon rally at Shell headquarters in downtown Houston (1 Shell Plaza at 901 Louisiana) on Friday, Feb. 6 to “show management that union workers are united in their drive for a fair contract that improves safety throughout the industry.”
The union also plans a National Day of Action at 65 oil refineries and steel workers at almost 200 other facilities across the country, including oil terminals, pipelines, petrochemical plans, will also participate in solidarity actions.  The actions will take place on Saturday, Feb. 7. The union is conducting food drives, donations, gift cards, pass the bucket at work, adopt-a-family, volunteers to picket at a sister plant and supporting the day of action.
The workers have a number of grievances. One is the “on-call system.” They report that they are asked to be on call when the plants anticipate possibly being short-handed. This means that, supplied with pagers, workers may be alerted anywhere they happen to be and told to come in even during what is supposed to be their off time.  Alternatively, they may be told to check in on certain days to see if they are needed. Even if they are cleared for the day, however, the on-call system prevents them from commiting in advance to social and/or family plans.
Moreover, there is an “attendance program” that penalizes workers for not fulfilling their on-call duty. Each day they miss, they accumulate hours and points against them, and do not get a clean slate until a year from each missed day, which makes it very easy for workers to be plagued, at any given time, with “points against them,” with little or no hope of working them off unless they can go for years and years with no missed days. It does not even matter if the reasons for the missed days are legitimate and unavoidable by all reasonable judgement.
Despite this understandable concern, Tom Conway, vice president with USW International, states that neither the on-call system nor wages are emphasized in the oil strikes. The primary concern is safe staffing levels.
He explained, “We have people who are working eight, twelve, fourteen, sixteen continuous days without a day off on 12 hour shifts. And people are stressed with an amazing amount of overtime, fatigue, and sleep deprivations. It is dangerous. It’s a dangerous way to run an operation like a fuel refinery.”
The union also brings attention to the daily occurrences of fires, emissions, leaks, and explosions that threaten local communities. Flagrant contracting out and replacement of qualified and experienced union workers, impacts health and safety on the job.
In an effort to reduce dependence on USW workers, plants have increasingly relied on contract labor from companies like The Wood Group, which provide labor on a temporary basis, reducing company obligations to workers. Because of the temporary nature of job placements, contract labor must frequently be taught to operate refinery equipment and several veteran operators expressed concern about the lack of safety standards from contract labor.
One worker on strike said, “the under-skilled labor they get to work for very little money can cause a lot of problems. It’s a volatile job. If people don’t know what they’re doing, and they turn a wrong valve, well, that’s it. I mean, that’s how that BP plant blew up. Since we’ve been gone, just in the past week, we’ve seen four ambulances leave here, carrying people out. We don’t know what the particular injuries were, but we’ve seen the ambulances leaving. It’s real hush-hush.”
The safety record of Texas industry is abysmal. EHS Today reports that nearly 5,000 workers die each year as a result of fatal occupational injuries in Texas. These preventable deaths devastate families and workplaces.
Four workers were killed in a crane collapse at the LyondellBasell refinery in Pasadena, Texas in 2008.
The aforementioned worker said he also saw someone get burned very recently, adding that, “most of the what happens is with contractors. At my plant, there are about 450 contractors. Unfortunately, they are in a position of having to do things in a hurry because their bosses are pushing them, and they have to jump on command. They have a lot of accidents. They are inexperienced. This [plant] might go up any minute [because of that]. The public needs to know that we are coming to work dealing with a time-bomb every day. That’s what this place is; that’s the nature of the business.”
One of the refineries under labor strike is Marathon’s Galveston Bay Refinery, formerly owned by British Petroleum (BP). The BP refinery had a large explosion that killed 15 workers. The Texas City refinery is the third largest refinery in the U.S. and is located at the world’s biggest petrochemical complex. An investigation by the People’s World, after the 2005 explosion, confirmed that safety procedures and practices had deteriorated after OSHA and the U.S. Chemical Board inspectors left the refinery and after the facility was sold by BP to Marathon Oil. This refinery reported a leak to regulators on Wednesday, Feb. 4.
In April 2005, OSHA cited the BP Texas City refinery and listed the BP Texas City refinery as a subject facility under its Enhanced Enforcement Program for Employers Who Are Indifferent to Their Obligations Under the OSH Act.
According to a recent Dallas Morning News investigative report, “Houston has the worst record in Texas, and Texas has the worst record in the nation when it comes to workplace fatalities or catastrophes.”
Photo: Jane Nguyen/PW
Sign this petition: We support the USW strike against Shell Oil Company in Texas City, Texas
| February 9, 2015 | 10:56 pm | Action, Economy, Labor, Local/State, National, USW | 1 Comment

Hi,

We support the efforts of the USW union to improve the wages and benefits as well as working conditions of the striking refinery workers. Jobs in refineries are dangerous and require a high level of skill. As we know from the BP disasters, mistakes can cause catastrophes for the surrounding communities and the environment. These workers deserve to be compensated well and treated fairly. Failure to bargain fairly in these negotiations will only reflect the Shell Oil Company’s lack of regard for the workers and the communities in which their enterprises are located.

That’s why I created a petition to Ben van Beurden, CEO, Royal Dutch Shell Oil Company, which says:

“We support the striking Steel Workers at the refineries in Texas City, Texas. Their struggle is the struggle of working people in this country and around the world.”

Will you sign this petition? Click here:

http://petitions.moveon.org/sign/we-support-the-usw-strike?source=c.em.mt&r_by=8638452

Thanks!

Payback time? Greek PM seeks reparations over Nazi occupation & war-time loan
| February 9, 2015 | 10:09 pm | Analysis, Economy, Greece, International, political struggle | Comments closed

 

Published time: February 09, 2015 10:12
Edited time: February 09, 2015 19:16

http://on.rt.com/aby93h
Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras (Reuters / Francois Lenoir)

Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras (Reuters / Francois Lenoir)

 

Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras, referring to Nazi Germany’s four-year occupation of Greece and a forced war-time loan during World War II that saddled the Greek economy in huge debt, wants Berlin to pay reparations.

Tsipras, leader of the anti-austerity Syriza party, said Athens had a “historical obligation” to claim from Germany billions of euros in reparations for the physical and financial destruction committed during Nazi Germany’s occupation of Greece.

Beyond the historical obligation, he said Greece had “a moral obligation to our people, to history, to all European peoples who fought and gave their blood against Nazism,” he said in a keynote address to parliament on Sunday.

READ MORE: Euro hits 11yr low after ‘anti-austerity’ Syriza election win

The Greek leader’s comments have resonated far beyond Athens as they place the issue of his country’s recent massive bailout at the behest of international creditors in a whole new light.

After Nazi forces took control of Greece in 1941, the stage was set for one of the bloodiest confrontations of World War II as Greek resistance fighters put up a fierce struggle to end the occupation.They were powerless, however, to prevent the Third Reich from extracting an interest-free 476 million Reichsmarks loan from the Greek central bank, which devastated the Greek economy.

A 2012 report by the Bundestag, Germany’s lower house of parliament, estimated the value of the loan at US$8.25 billion. Greece, however, puts the value of the loan at €11 billion, the To Vima newspaper reported in January, citing confidential financial documents.

Rally against Republicans!
| February 9, 2015 | 9:00 pm | Action, Economy, Immigrants' Rights, Labor, Local/State, National, political struggle, Social Security | Comments closed

Dear Sisters and Brothers,

You are invited to participate in the upcoming “Rally against Republicans, Who are Hurting Us!” on Saturday, February 28, at 2 pm, on the sidewalks at the intersection of Harrisburg and Macario Garcia (Hwy 90) in Houston.

The purpose of the Rally is to expose the Republicans and the Far Right for their increasingly dangerous attacks on workers, people of color, women, immigrants, LGBTQ communities, and the masses as a whole—and to help develop the kind of independent working class political action which will be required to stop these dangerous attacks. This event is being organized by the Houston Socialist Movement.

We are resolutely opposed to the Republicans and the Far Right harming the working class and the masses of people by

  • * further militarizing the border
  • * supporting racist militias on the border
  • * repealing in-state tuition for undocumented college students
  • * attempting to end DACA and executive relief for undocumented people,
  • * harassing Texas legislators who oppose “Open Carry”
  • * making openly racist attacks on people of color, Muslims, and other minorities
  • * refusing to expand Medicaid
  • * attempting to cut Security and Medicare
  • * refusing to adequately fund public schools
  • * refusing to adequately fund veterans care
  • * opposing improved services for the disabled
  • * opposing measures to reduce unemployment
  • * opposing a living wage for all workers
  • * constantly adding to the legal and economic privileges and rights of the very rich
  • * calling for new wars in Iraq, Syria, and Iran
  • * giving Latin American governments taxpayer money to repress their people under the  guise of fighting the drug trade

…and more!

We are committed to helping workers and democratic-minded people of all nationalities understand that these problems are rooted in the capitalist system and that socialism here in the United States and around the world is the answer to these problems.

We hope you will plan to join us for the Rally on Saturday, February 28. If you would like more information, please call (832) 692-2306.

In Solidarity,

Houston Socialist Movement