Category: police terrorism
Some End-of-the-Year Thoughts
| December 27, 2014 | 11:11 pm | Action, Analysis, Cuba, Cuban Five, Economy, International, National, police terrorism | Comments closed
● Congratulations to the Cuban patriots (the Cuban Five), the remaining three of whom were finally released from US jails for the “crime” of making the world a safer place from US imperialism (How extensive and racially and economically selective must a prison system be before we can refer to the installations as concentration camps?) All fair-minded people should rejoice at the moving reunion of these internationalists with their families and their countrymen and women!
Before we are overwhelmed by adulation for President Obama’s role in the release of the remaining Cuban Five, a fawning process that has begun in earnest, we should remind the adulators that it is bad form to praise someone for doing what he or she should have done long before. Nothing has really happened to precipitate a change in US-Cuban relations at this moment except the passing of Obama’s final national election cycle– a fact that suggests that Obama’s welcome moves are more political expediency than any serious change of heart. Those who sense faux-liberal stroking in anticipation of the forthcoming election season are probably on solid ground. The U-turn regarding policy towards Cuba demonstrated recently on the editorial pages of the New York Times also point to a strategic shift in the thinking of key elements of the US ruling class.
● John Pilger, by way of Michael Munk’s always interesting blog, lastmarx, asks what became of Malaysian flight MH17, which crashed in the Eastern Ukraine. After the July disaster, the Western media proceeded to blame Eastern Ukrainian resistance fighters and Russia without a shred of hard evidence beyond “unnamed” Western intelligence “sources” (How do journalists acquire access to intelligence sources yet remain uncompromised?).
Despite recovering black boxes, debris and bodies, the Western investigators have been strangely silent since August. No evidence has come forth apart from Russian sources. No indictments from the notorious International Court of Justice (from which the US refused to honor its jurisdiction in 1986 despite having a permanent judge and frequently imposing jurisdiction on others). Compare this to the Western-induced hysteria surrounding earlier incidents like Korean Airlines 007, a media frenzy that demonized the Soviets for years. Even the crazed General Breedlove– Pilger calls him NATO’s “Dr. Strangelove”– has remained relatively silent. Could it be that the facts are pointing the wrong way?
● The 2014 Brazen Hypocrisy award goes to President Barack Obama for his two-faced appeal to the right of self defense. Esteemed Cuban blogger Manuel A. Yepe lauds research by Brandon Turbeville that recovers a statement from November 2012 by the self-righteous Peace Prize Winner. President Obama, in defense of Israeli aggression, argued: “… there is no country on Earth that would tolerate missiles raining down on its citizens from outside its borders.” Of course this is unabashed hypocrisy for a leader who daily signs off on drone, cruise missile, and bomb attacks on Iraq, Syria, Pakistan, Somalia, or Yemen, a glaring contradiction that Yepe credits Turbeville for exposing.
Certainly there are plenty of candidates for the Hypocrisy Award, most of whom nest in US seats of power: the recent sanctions imposed by a serial human rights violator (the US) against Venezuela for imaginary “human rights” violations count as first degree hypocrisy. Imagine a government that spies on ALL of its citizens, tortures foreigners, and allows militarized police forces to kill unarmed citizens punishing Venezuela and lecturing the rest of the world about good behavior.
Or consider the hypocrisy of ferreting out other countries deficient in democracy– a favorite activity of US media pundits– while never mentioning Japan, a country ruled by one party, the Liberal Democratic Party, since 1955 with less than four years of respite. Many of those dubbed “dictators” would be jealous.
And then there’s the shameless Henry Blodget, the blue-blood, consummate Wall Street insider, who has been banned for life from the securities industry for fraud. Addicted to the celebrity spotlight, Blodget regarded the claim that the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea hacked a US entertainment company as a sufficient basis for declaring the alleged  hack “effectively an act of war….” Blodget’s panic arises from his concerns that the DPRK might “get into the money”: “’It’s not just they get some credit card numbers which we’ve been seeing forever. But they actually get into the money’ at large corporations and banks” (Yahoo Finance, 12-19-14).
Truly, we swim in a sea of hypocrisy.
● But hypocrisy is only tolerated because we refuse to hold public figures and the media accountable for their statements; as Gore Vidal put it, we reside in the “United States of Amnesia.” He drew attention to an adult population narcotized by shallow entertainments and denied any sense of history or continuity. Actually, Martha Gellhorn said it much earlier (1953) when she noted the “consensual amnesia” rampant in the US.
It is wrong, however, to blame the US people for the cowardice and lack of accountability of the media and academia. We cannot blame collective ignorance on the victims when it is the product of the massive, suffocating machinery of capitalist disinformation and vulgar culture.
Imagine if we could hold all of the opinion makers and policy pundits accountable for their slavish promotion of the unprovoked invasion of Iraq and the subsequent destabilization of the entire Middle East. Imagine if we could exile them to write for the Metropolis Daily Planet until they reclaimed their integrity. Soon, we would forget the names Friedman, Krauthammer, and the other cheerleaders of imperialism, maybe even the loudmouth, Cheney. Exactly what journalistic crimes must they commit, what disasters must they endorse before their bosses and colleagues turn them out?
Similarly, the economic collapse of 2007-2008, unpredicted and unsolved by the “wise men” of the economics profession, has spawned no new thinking or rejection of the old.
Sadly, most of our public intellectuals have become courtiers and not truth seekers.
● We must not ignore the amnesia of the US left. Forgotten is the mass euphoria over the election of Barack Obama in 2008. Virtually all of the liberal and soft left was swept away by the overwhelming Democratic Party victory, affording a two-year window to pass a whole laundry list of legislation benefiting labor, minorities, women, the elderly, undocumented and other components of the Democratic Party coalition. Except for a health care initiative that has failed to live up to anyone’s expectations other than insurance companies, none of these promises came to fruition, even to serious consideration. As the Democrats gin up for another Presidential campaign behind Hillary (after she disposes of the Quixote-like campaign of Elizabeth Warren), this miserable performance will be forgotten. With the Obama well running dry, liberal and the moderate left will drill a new Clinton well of hope. Memories are short.
● While the signs of mass militancy are positive, most recently from the anger and activism springing from criminal police behavior, the left seems to find diversions and distractions that create speed bumps, if not detours, from clarity and united action.
The energy of the Occupy movement was welcome, but the embrace of the organizing principles of disorganization proved– once again– a damper on movement building. Seemingly, every generation must champion group therapy as an antidote to “hierarchies” and “leadership,” alleged features of the “old left,” “the establishment,” “elites” or other evils imagined by self-anointed ideological gurus.
The New Left of the sixties pioneered this posture, shattering enormous mass movements against racism and war into a thousand pieces. The shallow and idealistic emotions conjured by the words “participatory democracy” arise again and again with the same result.
● The latest obstacle to ideological clarity and effective action is the amorphous and ideologically confounding “Sharing” Economy movement. The “New” or “Sharing” economy projects occupy two distinct poles.
At one pole are the liberal/left activists who have been shocked by the human carnage of economic crisis, but are afraid of or disillusioned with the socialist option. While many may see capitalism’s flaws, they are cowed by the enormous task of defeating and replacing it. Rather than joining Marxists, who are confident and determined to revive the fight for a world without exploitation and without rule by the rich and powerful, they propose that we simply drop out of the global economy, that we live and work outside of it. In collectively owned cooperatives, they propose an alternative to capitalism. But is it really an alternative?
Certainly there is nothing, in principle, wrong with cooperatives. Indeed, they are sometimes an answer for small-holders to improve their destiny against large capitalist enterprises. That is, they can postpone, but rarely derail the laws of capitalist development, the tendency for the large to devour the small.
But it is silly to believe that cooperatives in any way challenge capitalism as we know it today. State-monopoly capitalism– the merger of the power of the state with the largest, most economically dominant corporations– will not shudder in the face of the cooperative movement. Nor should it. If cooperatives posed any kind of threat, the mega-corporations would swat them like flies.
Instead, the New Economy (cooperative) movement does offer an alternative– an alternative to small businesses. Cooperatives, where they exist, compete against small businesses. They mesh a small-business mentality with an immature social consciousness, a program that only succeeds at the expense of those businesses marginally able to survive while leaving the rich and powerful untouched.
At best, the cooperative movement offers a safe haven for the few to hone their entrepreneurial skills in commercial combat against some of our potential allies in the anti-monopoly movement, the under-capitalized, marginal small business owner.
● The other pole, however, is more insidious. The “sharing” economy, as exemplified by Uber and other creatively named Google-era projects, does not pretend to be anti-capitalist. While “sharing” poses as a kinder, gentler, freer capitalism, it really counts as a way for a new generation of entrepreneurs to pry open markets long dominated by well ensconced services. At the same time, this well-educated, supremely self-confident cabal have seduced many into believing that predation on these service industries is somehow “progressive.”
In fact, Uber and the sharing model are a step back to proto-capitalism, a return to the putting-out”system, where providing the labor and resources is the responsibility of others and not the capitalist. Uber, for example, uses the human capital (drivers) and fixed capital (their cars) of its “employees” to undermine services that are capital intensive (taxis, insurance, benefits, maintenance, fuel, etc) and available to even the most disadvantaged (subsidized public transportation). Like charter schools and package-delivery services, they cherry-pick the most profitable, least risky, or least costly niches of a service and leave the rest for someone else (most often, the public sector). In that way, they most resemble the hyper-exploitative cottage industries of the pre-industrial era. Like those industries, they rely upon sweated labor and forgo all worker protections.
Of course not all those embracing the sharing model begin as predators. Many see the internet as creating new opportunities for matching people and services. But centuries of capitalism teach us that every entrepreneur afforded the opportunity of matching people with services has leaped at the opportunity to commercialize it. Elite universities and business schools have not purged that tendency from their students.
Whether it is cooperatives or the “sharing” model of entrepreneurship, those looking for answers to the rapaciousness and vulgarity of our society must look elsewhere.
We will come no closer to achieving social justice and democracy until we understand the malignancy of capitalism. There are no other diagnoses.
Zoltan Zigedy
When Will the Cops Stop Killing Us?
| December 14, 2014 | 8:48 pm | Action, Analysis, National, police terrorism | Comments closed

http://mltoday.com/when-will-the-cops-stop-killing-us

 

November 6, 2014

The fatal shooting of Michael Brown, an unarmed 18-year-old Black man, by Darren Wilson, a White police officer, in Ferguson, Missouri on August 9 outraged scores of millions of people throughout the United States. It is difficult to see how the killing of an unarmed individual by police could be justified under virtually any circumstances. And in Ferguson, the massive military response to the subsequent protests, the pointing of semi-automatic rifles at unarmed protesters, the misuse of rubber bullets and tear gas, the physical threats against demonstrators, and the unlawful arrests of journalists were unconscionable. Although politicians of all stripes and highly paid pundits have criticized those who threw rocks and bottles at law enforcement officers in Ferguson, as Robert Stephens II wrote in Jacobin, angry demonstrators were “far from a mindless, violent mob.” They were simply, in the words of one young Black man, “fed up.” So were the scores of thousands of people who participated in subsequent protests across the country.

Protests have continued every day since August 9 in Ferguson and St. Louis County. The uprising has led to Ferguson police Chief Thomas Jackson apologizing to the Brown family, three local police officers being fired or forced into retirement for misconduct, and Ferguson cops beginning to wear body cameras.

In addition, some politicians are demanding that area police departments recruit more people of color. A local grand jury is considering possible charges against Wilson, and two related U.S. Department of Justice investigations have also been launched. But while several witnesses have reported that Brown was killed while his hands were up in the air, most people in the community doubt Wilson will be brought to justice by the local grand jury or the Department of Justice.

From Los Angeles to Chicago to New York, demonstrators seeking justice for Brown and his family have expressed the same pessimism and vowed to create a new mass movement to end the continuing scourge of police brutality in America once and for all.

The imperative need for such a mass movement has been clear for a long time. Popular calls for collective political action to stop cops from killing and brutalizing innocent people have been issued regularly for the past half-century. Tragically, unjustified police violence has persisted despite robust but intermittent opposition for decades, and progress toward reining in killer cops has been limited.

In the wake of the August 9 tragedy in Ferguson, it is time for those of us who are committed to helping end police crimes to answer two vital, interrelated questions. How significant and how systemic is police brutality? And what will it take to stop the cops from killing us? Developing a realistic answer to the first question is essential for developing a realistic answer to the second question. And getting both of these questions right—in practice as well as in theory—is indispensable for the development of a popular movement that can end murders, physical abuse, racism, and other misconduct by police officers.

Police in the United States have historically played—and still play today—a central role in the subjugation of workers, people of color, critics of the existing social order, and the population as a whole. As Victor E. Kappeler, Gary Potter, and other researchers have pointed out, local and state governments created America’s first law enforcement forces in order to protect the economic order developed by European slaveowners and capitalists and to control the behavior of workers and people of color.

European settlers from New England to St. Louis launched constable and police patrols to “protect” Whites against Native people. Plantation owners in the southern states initiated slave patrols to enforce discipline, monitor those in bondage, and apprehend escaped slaves. Merchants and industrialists supported the creation of police departments in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Chicago, and other major cities in the 1840s and 1850s in order to exert social control over the growing numbers of impoverished workers and immigrants, and to prevent any “disorder” they might cause.

The proliferation of police departments across the country led to a great deal of unlawful violence, criminal corruption, labor suppression, and virulent racism by cops. The term “police brutality” first appeared in the New York Times in 1893, but Americans from diverse backgrounds had already been complaining about police crimes for decades.

In addition, as workers struggled to form unions and achieve workplace reforms, cops demonstrated that they would “serve and protect” big business. Police, state militias, and soldiers killed about 100 workers during the Great Railroad Strike in Pennsylvania and other states in 1877. Chicago police killed several workers at Haymarket Square in 1886. Police and other armed agents of the state killed almost 200 workers in various labor struggles between 1902 and 1904 alone. Police killed about a dozen members of the Industrial Workers of the World near Seattle in 1916. Local and state police killed dozens of workers in the multi-state Steel Strike of 1919. Chicago police killed ten striking steel workers in 1937.  As Philip Taft and Philip Ross have observed, the U.S. had the “bloodiest and most violent labor history of any industrial nation in the world.”

Local police forces and the Ku Klux Klan presided over an even more horrific reign of terror against African Americans in the South for almost a century after the Civil War. Police led a racist massacre which killed 46 African Americans and 2 White supporters in Memphis in 1866. Between the 1880s and the 1940s, about 5000 Black people were lynched by White racists, often with the approval of local law enforcement authorities. In 1917, White cops and vigilantes killed 39 African Americans in East St. Louis.

The same year, Houston police killed several solders from the all-Black Third Battalion of the Twenty-fourth Infantry assigned to Camp Logan. When 100 armed members of the Third Battalion marched into Houston, a firefight left 16 dead Whites (4 of whom were cops) and 4 dead Black soldiers. The federal government executed 19 Black soldiers and sent 50 others to prison for life. As Professor Benjamin Johnson has pointed out, Texas Rangers killed as many as 5000 Mexican insurgents and Tejanos during the second decade of the 20th century. Racist violence by cops also led to uprisings by Blacks in New York City in 1935 and 1943 and by Latinos in Los Angeles in 1943 and 1951.

By the 1960s, labor militancy had largely abated. But the historically unprecedented social upheavals against racism and the Vietnam War were met with unrelenting violence. Local Sheriff’s deputies murdered three civil rights activists near Philadelphia, Mississippi in 1964. State troopers shot a Black man to death during a voting rights march in Alabama in 1965. Between 1964 and 1968, police brutality sparked uprisings by people of color in Philadelphia, Detroit, Newark, Los Angeles, and other cities, which resulted in the deaths of more than 200 people, primarily Blacks and Latinos. Scores more died in the uprisings which erupted in more than 100 cities after the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in April 1968.

A few months later, cops beat and brutalized hundreds of people protesting against the Democratic Party National Convention. In 1969, Chicago police assassinated Black Panther Party leaders Fred Hampton and Mark Clark. In May 1970, Ohio National Guardsmen killed four Kent State University students and Mississippi police killed two Jackson State University students protesting against the invasion of Cambodia. By 1972, police in several cities had killed about 35 Black Panther Party activists.

In recent decades, unjustified police violence has continued to plague the country. In 1985, a Philadelphia police helicopter dropped a bomb on the Black organization MOVE’s house and killed five children and six adults. In 1992, after a jury acquitted four cops of assault and excessive force against Rodney King, an uprising in Los Angeles led to 53 deaths. In 1998, New York City cops beat and sodomized Abner Louima with a broom stick. In 2001, after 15 Black men had been killed by local police in recent years, mass protests and street violence erupted in Cincinnati. Police killings of Eli Escobar in Houston in 2003, of Sean Bell in New York City in 2006, and of Oscar Grant in Oakland in 2009 attracted national publicity. Between 2000 and 2009, New York City paid almost $1,000,000,000 to resolve lawsuits involving police misconduct.

Between 2008 and the present, Houston police have killed 10 unarmed people and wounded more than 20 unarmed people. Since 2010, Albuquerque cops have wrongfully killed 26 people, and related litigation has cost the city about $30,000,000. In 2011-2012, police brutalized and injured Occupy protesters in New York City, Chicago, Los Angeles, and other cities.
Popular opposition has forced the US Department of Justice to investigate police departments in Newark, Pittsburgh, Washington DC, New Orleans, Detroit, Los Angeles, Seattle, and about 20 other cities and counties.

Unfortunately, federal intervention has not ended unjustified police violence in these jurisdictions. And it is neither an accident nor an oversight that no comprehensive database on wrongful police killings currently exists. Most politicians across the country still deny the scope and significance of police brutality. However, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the American Civil Liberties Union, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the League of United Latin American Citizens, and many other organizations have strongly criticized police brutality. And the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) recently declared, “The excessive use of force by law enforcement officials against racial and ethnic minorities is an ongoing issue of concern and particularly in light of the shooting of Michael Brown…This is not an isolated event and illustrates a bigger problem in the United States.”

When will the cops stop killing us? The historical record suggests that the answer is: When we, the people, make them stop—and not until then. Although the limited reforms enacted in recent decades or demanded today have merit, they have failed and will continue to fail to prevent unjustified police violence. The perennial argument for improved training cannot be disputed, but changes in training have been going on for decades and have not significantly reduced police crimes in most cities.

Similarly, the need to recruit more people of color in many police departments is an urgent imperative. But most police officers in New York City, Washington DC, Chicago, New Orleans, and Los Angeles are people of color today, yet these departments continue to kill, maim, and mistreat innocent people on a regular basis. Recent calls for all police officers to wear body cameras rightly point to an impressive decline in police use-of-force and civilian complaints during a study in Rialto, California. But while this new technology is promising, its effectiveness depends on not turning off the cameras or manipulating the video record, as some cops in New Orleans and other cities have already done.

Even videotape evidence of police crimes sometimes fails to ensure that the perpetrators receive justice. The videotaped beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles did not lead to a conviction of the police officers involved in their first trial in 1992. The videotaped shooting of a mentally ill, homeless man in Albuquerque did not even result in the police officers involved being indicted last March. And the videotaped assault and illegal chokehold that killed Eric Garner in Staten Island last July may not lead to an indictment of the police officer involved either, though a public opinion survey has found that 64% of voters in New York City support an indictment.

The virtual impunity with which some cops commit violent crimes against innocent people is a reminder that genuine, consistent accountability for these perpetrators is tragically lacking in the criminal justice system. Although more than 100 citizen review boards exist across the country today, they are generally ineffective, in part because most of them do not have subpoena powers and independent authority to authorize prosecutions.

Local prosecutors, grand juries, trial juries, and political leaders from both major parties share responsibility for the persistence of police brutality. Prosecutors work closely with police and will not usually seek indictments against cops accused of killing or injuring citizens. Grand juries are often composed of older, more conservative White men who are more inclined to rationalize the commission of crimes by officers in the line of duty. Houston’s own “pick-a-pal” method of empaneling grand jurors has been strongly criticized as unjust by Houston Chronicle columnist Lisa Falkenburg. Even on those rare occasions where police perpetrators are indicted, trial juries usually acquit them because of misplaced faith in law enforcement, racism, or class bias. Republican politicians routinely defend cops no matter how horrific their actions, and Democratic politicians may lament the most egregious of these crimes but never support the systemic changes needed to end this terrible problem.

We need a multiracial, working class-led popular movement which can energetically struggle against not only police crimes but also against mass incarceration and racial and class bias in the legal system. Such a movement must also fight against class exploitation, poverty and economic insecurity, the oppression of women and LGBT communities, imperialism and the other social ills inherent in capitalism.

Such a movement must challenge White supremacy and help women and men of all nationalities and creeds to understand that “an injury to one is an injury to all.” Such a movement must fight for “radical reforms” like genuinely effective citizen review boards and democratic accountability for prosecutors and juries but be firmly committed to achieving fundamental, revolutionary change in society as a whole.

The notion that the armed agents of the contemporary state will ever “serve and protect” the masses of people, especially as workers increasingly confront the contemporary crisis of capitalism, is a dangerous fantasy. And as Karl Marx warned in another context long ago, “The demand to abandon illusions about our condition is a demand to abandon a condition which requires illusions.”

 

FULL STAFF OF BERNIE SANDERS JOINS PROTEST AGAINST KILLER COPS
| December 12, 2014 | 8:51 pm | Bernie Sanders, National, police terrorism | Comments closed

Sanders staff walk outhttp://progresoweekly.us/dozens-staffers-just-walked-congress-powerful-picture-shows/

3:40 PM – 11 Dec 2014 The office of Sen. Bernie Sanders locked its doors and marched out of the Capitol with their hands in the air — accompanied by hundreds of other staffers – in protest against the impunity furnished killer cops and murderous grand juries and murderous district attorneys. A. Shaw

 

Against police terrorism!
| December 3, 2014 | 8:52 pm | Analysis, Local/State, National, police terrorism | Comments closed

zzz-antiracismby  James Thompson

 

People of conscience in the United States and around the world have recently been disgusted by the brutal murders of African-American males in the United States. What’s worse is that the terrorist police officers have so far escaped prosecution. Of course, I am referring to the cases of Michael Brown in Missouri and Eric Garner in New York.

 

Many people have commented on the militarization of the US police force. There is a long history of police terrorism in this country. Local police have consistently been used by the upper-class to enforce racism and protect the property rights of the wealthy. In the US, the police are clearly unarmed of the state and their mission is to terrorize working people, particularly working people of color.

 

In Houston, many of us remember the famous photograph of a person in KKK regalia exiting a Houston Police Department patrol car in the 1970s. We also remember the brutal slaying of civil rights leader Carl Hampton and, more recently, the racist execution of James Byrd by white supremacists.

 

Very recently, anti-immigrant racists in Texas and elsewhere have formed unlawful militias to terrorize immigrants.

 

The legacy of terrorism, brutality and racism is long in nature and national in scope.

 

However, the recent events are particularly despicable. The court decisions create the impression that racism is okay even when it leads to murder.

 

The first African-American president of the United States, Barack Obama, has called for peaceful protests as a reaction to the failure of the courts to put the murderous police officers on trial even though there are videos documenting their murders. This should give people of conscience pause to consider the efficacy of protests in redressing social grievances.

 

Peaceful protests as a first step in reaction to police brutality are always a good idea. However, a serious movement to oppose police brutality is needed. A serious movement would include political activity as part of the struggle against police brutality.

 

People of conscience should work together in a united effort to elect people to public office who will fight for the interests of working people and particularly working people of color.

 

One place to start would be to enact legislation that would harshly punish racist terrorist action by both private and public law enforcement organizations.

 

One model for new legislation in the United States would be the “Constitution (Fundamental Law) of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.” There has been a great deal of negative propaganda against the USSR produced by the US government and the largest corporations since 1917. However, the reality is that the USSR had a long history of supporting civil rights internationally. Many black leaders in the United States received a great deal of support from the USSR. Most notable was Paul Robeson, but there were many others, including Angela Davis.

 

Article 36 of the USSR Constitution (p. 38) reads (Citizens of the USSR of different races and nationalities have equal rights.

 

Exercise of these rights is insured by a policy of all round development and drawing together of all the nations and nationalities of the USSR, by educating citizens in the spirit of Soviet patriotism and Soviet internationalism, and by the possibility to use their native language in the languages of other peoples of the USSR.

 

Any direct or indirect limitation of the rights of citizens or other establishment of direct or indirect privileges on grounds of race or nationality, or any advocacy of racial or national exclusiveness, hostility or contempt, are punishable by law.”

 

There is no longer a USSR to stand up for and advocate for the rights of African-Americans in the United States. It is up to the people of the United States to take on this role and demand that our citizens not be brutalized by the vicious, paid, stooges of the bourgeoisie. Until working people fight for political power, the brutality will continue and expand.

 

Wake up, people of the United States! What Gus Hall used to call a “whiff of fascism” has expanded into a stench of fascism. A unified movement of working people can turn this around!