By W. T. Whitney Jr.

General John Kelly heads the U.S. Southern Command. As such he directs military operations throughout Latin America and the Caribbean and wages war against drug trafficking and associated crime in Honduras. Kelly’s visit to Tegucigalpa on June 2 meant so much to Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández that Kelly got to attend a session of Honduras’ Council of Defense and National Security .

Kelly announced that, “the work that this government has undertaken [against drug trafficking] in these last months is incredible.” He lauded Honduras’ new policy of extraditing accused drug offenders to the United States. Hernández characterized Kelly is a “great friend of Honduras” and observed that his police and soldiers take encouragement from Kelly’s kind words.

Honduras’ role as a transfer point for drugs heading north and a murder epidemic there blamed on drug-related crime serve as rationale for U.S. military intervention. Honduras’ murder rate is the world’s highest. A congressional report indicated that as of February 3013, the United States had provided $163 million in military and police assistance over three years; $58.2 million more were anticipated during the then current year. The U.S. military operates three naval bases in Honduras. Its large Palmerola Air Base supports long distance flights.

But U.S. crime fighting in Honduras is not all that it seems. Police, soldiers, and paramilitaries, for example, are killing children, many of whom are engaged in criminal activities instigated by adults. The Casa Alianza children’s rights group reported that between January 1 and March 30, 2014, 270 persons less than 23 years of age were murdered. That group’s director José Guadalupe Ruelas declared on television on May 5 that, “one million Honduran children are not in school, 330,000 child laborers are being exploited, and every year 8000 children leave the country without an adult, fleeing violence.” Yet on May 9, “military police … savagely beat” and detained Ruelas.

Killings may have little to do with drug transactions. On May 4, for example, murderers hit a human rights activist and community leader in San Pedro Sula . On May 12 gunfire wounded a Tegucigalpa councilman who was an opposition activist. The next day armed men killed an agrarian rights activist in Baja Aguan. On May 16, someone shot and killed the popular mayor of Iriona. On May 22 in La Ceiba shots from a passing vehicle killed a taxi driver and two passengers, one a prison guard. Assailants there that day killed a forestry engineer who reported illegal logging. On May 28 in Copán department, a radio journalist and human rights defender was killed. On May 10, heavily armed men broke into the house in Yoro Department where eight Cuban doctors on a solidarity mission were living. The intruders handcuffed, beat and threatened to kill the physicians.

And in May Congressperson Jan Schakowsky’s (D-IL) widened the U. S. discussion on violence in Honduras. Her letter to Secretary of State John Kerry, signed by 108 colleagues, urged the “State Department to use its leverage to urge the Honduran government to protect the fundamental human rights of its citizens, end the use of military forces for law enforcement, investigate and prosecute abuses.”

A military coup removed populist President Jose Manuel Zelaya on June 28, 2009. Violence and social turmoil wracking Honduras since then suggest politics are at work. Conditions worsened after January 27, 2014 when right wing President Hernández took office.

Poverty in Honduras is 60 percent, and productive land is concentrated in very few hands. Defending establishment interests, the Liberal and National Parties have controlled Honduran politics for decades. Oligarchs arranged for Zelaya’s ouster, something U.S. Ambassador Hugo Lorens knew about beforehand. U.S. military and intelligence operatives had allegedly communicated with perpetrators . The plane taking Zelaya to exile in Costa Rica stopped en route at the U.S. Palmerola Air Base.

Formed after the coup, the National Front for Popular Resistance (FNRP) resisted, first in the streets and then though its new LIBRE political party. Campaigning for a constituent assembly and social justice, the mildly socialist Libre Party backed Xiomara Castro as its presidential candidate. She had led in polls prior to the November, 2013 election, widely regarded as fraudulent. National Party candidate Hernández won by eight percentage points.

The pre-election killing of 18 LIBRE activists followed murders of opposition activists, unionists, teachers, and students ongoing since 2009. Now, according to a police whistleblower, “Summary executions have increased [while] public security is being totally militarized and the military now controls several institutions civilians should direct … A] blank check [exists] for repression of the political and social opposition, criminalization and prosecution of protest, and violation of human rights.”

The atmosphere is toxic. On May 14 the National Party president of Honduras’ Congress used police to expel all 37 LIBRE Party congressional deputies. Security forces used tear gas, pepper spray, and batons. The deputies had wanted to debate agrarian reform, corruption, and model cities – the previous government’s plan for privately-governed havens for corporations. Television showed police carrying away ex-President Zelaya, now a congressman and head of LIBRE Party’s parliamentary bench.

Agrarian rights activists face danger, especially in Baja Aguan where African palm plantations and palm oil processing facilities are centered. On May 21, 315 soldiers, police, and 40 private security operatives expelled small farmers occupying two plantations; they wounded two and arrested 14. That scenario has recurred often throughout the region for several years. Although legislation in the 1980’s and Zelaya-era regulations later on made land available to peasants, agribusiness impresarios, notably Dinant Corporation owner Miguel Facussé, usurped large tracts. Between 2010 and 2013, public and private security forces killed 102 small farmers who resisted.

The Committee for Free Expression indicated recently that 173 journalists, teachers, judicial personnel, and human rights advocates were assaulted in 2013, with state security forces carrying out half the attacks; there were 11 murders. Between January 2010 and July 2013, 36 journalists or “social communicators” were killed.

U.S. mainstream media pay little attention to violence in Honduras. Nevertheless, Rep. Schakowsky and her colleagues took a stand: they urged Secretary of State Kerry to “fully enforce the Leahy Law, which prohibits assistance to individuals or units of any foreign military or police body that commit gross human rights abuses with impunity.”

Yet General John Kelly takes that legal requirement, and presumably his civilian overseers, with a grain of salt. Testifying before a congressional committee on April 29, he complained that the Leahy Law sometimes interferes with the Southern Command mission. Because of that, Kelly uses Colombian soldiers rather than his own.

“When we ask them to go somewhere else and train the Mexicans, the Hondurans, the Guatemalans, the Panamanians, they will do it almost without asking … It’s important for them to go,” he explained, “because I’m – at least on the military side – restricted from working with some of these countries because of limitations … based on past sins. And I’ll let it go at that.”

General Kelly may have been thinking of the new “TIGRES” militarized police formation established by President Hernández for “direct combat with transnational organized crime.” U.S. military advisors worked with Colombia’s “Jungle School” (Escuela de Selva) to train TIGRES recruits.

“I did what’s right and have never endangered anyone.”

That’s the assertion of Hero of the Cuban Republic Ramón Labañino Salazar who was unjustly
sentenced to 30 years in prison that he is serving in a federal prison in Kentucky, in the United
States. Now 51 years of age, he was 35 years old when they arrested them that early morning on
September 12, 1998.

Author: Deisy Francis Mexidor, June 9, 2014.
http://www.granma.cu/cuba/2014-06-09/hice-lo-justo-y-jamas-he-danado-a-nadie !

That day in September, 2009 when they proceeded to resentence him in Miami, in the United
States, Ramón Labañino Salazar, who was still carrying a life sentence plus 18 years in prison,
entered the judicial chamber with his hands held high, as a victory symbol.

Glancing around, he looked at all those present in the audience until he found his beloved
Elizabeth. He smiled at her as if he were the happiest of mortals and with his look covered her
with kisses. It was a fleeting moment but at the same time almost eternal.

There were so many things being said at that moment! It was just like the one that happened
later when he learned that his new sentence, no less unjust, would remove 30 years of physical
liberty from his life. Then too his captors couldn’t lock up his soul and spirit.

“I am by nature an optimistic man,” confessed Labañino, one of five Cuban anti-terrorists
sentenced to long terms in U. S. prisons.

In response to a questionnaire, the Hero of the Republic of Cuba pointed out that, “I have
always found reasons for taking a positive point of view of everything happening around me,
including the fights, the injustices, and the hard things one lives with and sees in prison. He
shares that title with his comrades Gerardo Hernández, Antonio Guerrero, Fernando González,
and René González. (The last two are now in Cuba but not before they satisfied all sanctions
against them.)

The Five are brothers in the same struggle, although they are confined in prisons far apart from
each other. They took to using “us” instead of “I” and what was important for one took on a
collective nature.

They did this from the beginning and every time a message arrives from them, the farewell
invariably finishes with “five hugs.” That’s how Ramón ended these replies sent from the
penitentiary in Ashland, Kentucky.

The son of Nereyda Salazar Verduy (deceased) and Holmes Labañino Cantillo, Ramón was born
June 9, 1963, in the Havana district of Marianao. He graduated with top academic recognition,
qualifying in economics at the University of Havana.

His greatest treasures are the daughters he adores, Aili (from his first marriage) Laura, and
Lizbeth, as he tirelessly repeats.

When he left home to work abroad, precisely in February, 1992, Elizabeth Palmeiro, his wife,
was barely eight weeks pregnant with Laura. He could not enjoy that period or the arrival into
the world of Lizbeth whom he only came to know in February, 1997, just after she was born.

His comings and goings in and out of the country and then prison made it so that despite being
married for 23 years, Ramón and Elizabeth have only lived together, without being apart, for
barely two years. They’ve been separated the rest of the time.

Nevertheless, they built a family together, and she, behind the lines, waits for him dealing with
the family project that came about despite obstacles. There they are, “his beautiful women,”
as he proudly says.

Question – How does a man succeed in overcoming great adversities? Where does one find
such strength?
Answer – Above all, when one is convinced that what he is doing is always correct, just, and
legal, that one defends a humane cause, that one has never put anybody or any thing in
danger, and that, on the contrary, he has sacrificed everything for the common good, for
people’s lives – innocent people – then those ideas themselves lend enormous force of will and
persistence against all adversities and “adversaries.” The fight is just. Victory will indeed have
to be sweet.

Q. – What do you recall about Ramón as a boy and young university student?
A. – I think I am an eternal child. That’s what my wife Elizabeth, my daughters, and whoever
knows me say. I don’t know if that will always be true, or if they say it through the love they
show me, but I do believe I’ve never lost (nor ever will) that youthful, smiling, cheerful, and
optimistic spirit that helps one so much to live and struggle. I was that way as a child: smiley
and very timid, very much so, I would say. And I always was enthralled by studying and doing
sports.

I remember from childhood that my little sister Laide began calling me “Papi.” I think that was
because I took care of her a lot, and my mother instilled in us the idea that the family’s oldest
brother is like a second father. And I think I accepted that role quite seriously, so much so that
even today, many call me “Papi.” And that’s something my daughters resent, because they
want to be the only ones saying that to me, but they know very well that I am the unique, the
one and only “Papi,” from the soul to infinity, and that’s important.

I really enjoyed my university years. As I said, studying and doing sports captivated me, and I
could do both there fully. Also I was a student assistant in statistical mathematics beginning
with the second year of the course. Sometimes I gave review courses and classes to comrades
in the lower years or in our own year. It’s something I always liked a lot, teaching. I could
practice judo and karate in the university, which was my dream in sports. It was a period of
learning, but above all of growth. It helped me a lot in my formation and in my convictions in
every sense, something for which I am infinitely grateful to Cuba, to our Revolution, to our
socialist system.

Q. – Do they see you as the big one of the group?
A. – That’s one point of view of those who see me. I don’t see myself as strong, rather I work to
be “considered” thin. Of course, that continually costs me much effort to believe it myself. I
do sports for pleasure, also because I need to get rid of so much stress, and because I feel
much better and useful after each workout. I try to keep myself healthy in spite of the
heartaches, since it’s our way of fighting and overcoming, of not letting ourselves fall apart or
be destroyed. Now I myself am doing weights and long walks inside the prison, some handball,
a lot of chess. That makes me feel healthy, vital, and ready for everyday struggles and ones in
the future that surely will come.

Q. – Who did you want to resemble?
A. – I myself sought guidance through example from the great ones, not to be them, since it’s
impossible to attain icon status. But I have greatly admired and would try to be like Che, like
our immortal Antonio Maceo, like José Martí, like Fidel, like Raúl, like Bolívar, like Sucre, and
now a lot like our Hugo Chávez. They are in essence my everyday examples. I would be very
pleased, simply, to be like every man who has decency and honor, but that would make this list
too extensive.

A. – Could you let us know what you like by way of reading – historical personalities, fiction,
[even television] series…?
A. – I am going to reduce the list to five for each category. I don’t want to bore you or be too
exhaustive, but, look, among my favorite readings are: “One Hundred Years of Solitude” and
“Love in the Time of Cholera,” by Gabriel García Márquez; “The Kingdom of this World,” by
Alejo Carpentier: “Simple Verses,” by José Martí; and “The House of the Spirits, by Isabel
Allende.

From television series I can name “In Silence It Had to Be” and “Julito the Fisherman,” two
excellent Cuban productions; and from another area – adventures – where I saw “The
Commandos of Silence.” And I take the occasion to ask why they don’t make new versions of all
these series on Cuban television. As to films, I point to “Strawberry and Chocolate” and
‘Undercover” (“Clandestinos”), where our much-admired Isabel Santos took the lead role.
In regard to fictitious characters, there are these: Don Quijote and Sancho Panza, David in “In
Silence It Had to Be,” interpreted by the late actor Sergio Corrieri; “Julito the Fisherman,”
immortalized by René de la Cruz; and Bruce Lee in some of his films on martial arts, to mention
a few.

Historical figures that I feel are examples for imitation are: Simón Bolívar, Ernesto Che
Guevara, Antonio Maceo, José Martí, and Fidel Castro.

P. – They arrested you when you were 35 years old. What is your concept of time?
A. – Time is a relative concept. If I think about myself, I think time does not pass. When I think
of my daughters becoming women, when I look into the eyes of my beloved Eli, time becomes
infinite for me, cruel, implacable. On that score, I go back to another time, one of laughter
and joys, of return and happiness, to the precious time of our future, free in Cuba – and with
that (my optimism), I stop. You already know I am a huge optimist, that I am going to remain
that way, and so I am happy.

P. – Imagine you are a poet improviser and they give you a “forced foot” that says, “…I am
this kind of guy.” (1)

A. – I am this kind of guy
exactly how you see him
not right not wrong
simple, no frenzy.
With Cuba free I learned
That the way is to love struggle
And this threatening fight today
Is for the truth I knew
And I will continue being like this,
A simple guy with decency
That is worth much more than gold,
One who is honored to die as I lived.

Q. – If you close your eyes now, what do you see?
A. – I see Cuba, a beach blue, clean, and dazzling. I see Eli, my daughters, all my family, my
people. I see laughter, joy, eternity. That way I make my freedom tangible and real. And I know
it’s certain.

(1) A “forced foot” (pie forzada) is a usually ten-line bit of improvised poetry that must end
with a proposed verse, or as with Ramon, begin with it.

Translated by W. T. Whitney Jr. for www.letcubalive.org

Counterpunch

June 17, 2014

Terrorism As A Weapon Of Hegemony

The Cuban Five

by CHANDRA MUZAFFAR

Once again, the International Movement for a Just World (JUST) joins hands with the people of Cuba and justice-loving people in every nook and cranny of the planet, in demanding the immediate release of the three remaining prisoners from the Cuban Five who are still languishing in US jails, after 13 years.

Two were released after completing their prison terms — Rene Gonzales on the 7th of October 2011, and Fernando Gonzales on the 27th of February 2014. It is important to emphasize that they walked to freedom with their dignity intact. The three who are still in jail — Gerardo Hernandez, Antonio Guerrero and Ramon Labanino — deserve our fullest support and solidarity. We should continue to campaign for them with all our heart and soul.

To reiterate, the imprisonment of all five is a travesty of justice. The Cuban Five were monitoring Cuban exile groups in the US in the nineties who had a proven record of committing terrorist acts against the Cuban people. They were gathering information about the terrorist missions that these groups were planning and had informed the US authorities about what they (the Cuban Five) were doing. And yet they were arrested and jailed after an unfair and unjust trial.

If the Cuban Five working under the direction of the Cuban government was determined to expose terrorist activities being carried out against their motherland from US soil, it was mainly because Cuba and its leadership had been victims of US sponsored terror and violence for decades. In 1976, a Cuban commercial plane with 73 passengers on board, a number of them school children, was bombed, killing everyone. The alleged mastermind of this terrorist act, Luis Posada Carriles, is still alive, protected by the US government. There was also an unsuccessful invasion of Cuba by groups in the US in 1961, the infamous ‘Bay of Pigs’ fiasco. A series of terrorist attacks targeting hotels and tourists in the nineties sought to cripple the Cuban economy. And there have been innumerable attempts to assassinate the Leader of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro, right through the 47 years that he was in power. Add to all this the crippling economic sanctions imposed upon Cuba by every US Administration since 1961 and we will get a complete picture of how a small nation of 11 million people has had to endure the terror unleashed against it by its superpower neighbor.

Why has Cuba been the target of terrorism in all its manifestations for so long? The reason is simple. The US elite will not accept in its neighborhood, a nation which is determined to choose its own path to the future without being dictated to, or dominated by, the US. It will not tolerate a people who are committed to defending their independence and sovereignty. To put it in another way, the US drive for hegemony does not permit another nation— especially a nation with a different worldview — to preserve and enhance its dignity.

This hegemonic attitude is borne out by the US’s treatment of other countries in Latin America. Whenever a nation steps out of line, the US line, it is clobbered. Sometimes through terror and violence. Look at Nicaragua, El Salvador, Panama, Uruguay, Ecuador, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, at different times and in different circumstances. Even in West Asia, terror has been employed to both undermine governments which want to maintain a degree of independence from the US and the West and to create instability and chaos in society. This is the story of Somalia and Sudan, of Libya and Lebanon, of Iraq and Syria. In Southeast Asia too, the Vietnamese, the Cambodians and Laotians have all experienced US terror, just as the people of the Philippines had in the past. Weren’t the citizens of Hiroshima and Nagasaki also exposed to a US “rain of terror” in 1945?

Let’s be clear about this. Terrorism is a tool for dominance and control. Terrorism is a weapon of hegemony. The US — like some other states too—uses this weapon in both ways. It employs terror when it suits its interests. It also fights against terrorism when it serves its agenda. This is why for the US there are “good terrorists” and “bad terrorists.” It is quite happy to collude with the former and crush the latter.

This was obvious in Iraq following the Anglo-American occupation of the land in 2003. In the initial phase the occupier encouraged the Shia militias to fight the Sunni remnants of the Saddam Hussein regime. Once the Shias got into power through the democratic process and moved closer to Iran, the US became worried and backed Sunni militias fighting the Shia dominated government. Now of course, Sunni-Shia clashes, compounded by various other forces, have assumed a life of their own.

In Syria, it is an open secret that the US and other Western and regional actors have been actively involved in supporting the armed rebels against the Bashar al-Assad government in Damascus. Some of the rebels are favored more than others by the US just as other rebels are linked to some of the other external players. The good terrorists from the US perspective receive a lot of assistance including weapons and funds through channels connected to US allies in the region. Are there bad terrorists in the Syrian conflict? While the US may not approve of the tactics used by some of the rebels, it has refrained from strong denunciation of them since it shares their overriding objective of eliminating Assad. So it is Assad who is the bad terrorist in the eyes of the US. Assad is bad because he has been consistent in his opposition to US-Israeli hegemony over West Asia.

There is parallel of sorts to the Cuban situation. All those individuals and groups opposed to the Cuban government, however violent they may be, are good terrorists and have been bestowed with all kinds of aid by US agencies through various conduits. Fidel Castro, and his successor, Raul Castro, are the bad ones. Fidel in particular was demonized in the mainstream Western media as few other leaders had been. Needless to say, it was because of his principled position against US helmed hegemony, articulated with such depth and clarity, that a grossly negative image of the man was disseminated through the media.

But Fidel Castro and the Cuban Five have demonstrated that in the ultimate analysis truth will triumph. Today, Fidel commands a lot of respect and affection among ordinary men and women everywhere for what he has accomplished for his people and indeed for the people of Latin America and the Global South. Similarly, the cause of the Cuban Five has become one of the major rallying-points in the worldwide struggle for human freedom and human dignity because it symbolizes the struggle of the powerless against the powerful.

Dr. Chandra Muzaffar is President of the International Movement for a Just World (JUST), an NGO based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/06/17/the-cuban-five-2/

GRANMA
Colombians re-elected Juan Manuel Santos and his proposal to reach peace through dialogue

Author: International Drafting | internacionales@granma.cu

June 16, 2014 00:06:16

Google translation. Revised by Walter Lippmann.

BOGOTÁ – The Colombian electorate on Sunday scored a goal in the field of betting to return to the warlike policy of former President Alvaro Uribe.

President Juan Manuel Santos won reelection for the period 2014-2018 with the support of 50.9% of the vote, which means that about 4 million 500 thousand voters joined those who had supported his proposals in the first round .

The president focused the final stretch of his campaign in the peace process that maintains in Havana with the Revolutionary Armed Forces People’s Army of Colombia and the exploratory process with the ELN.

In his first speech after the results, Santos said yesterday that the election victory is a mandate of Colombians for peace, who “voted with the hope of changing fear into hope.”

The president-elect said in this election was in the course of playing well understood Colombia and independent sectors, from left, unions, non-governmental organizations that were instrumental in his success.

“We’re going to fix everything that has to be corrected, we will adjust everything to be adjusted and we will restore all that has to be reformed, because that’s what we should bring peace, to implement deep reforms in our country” promised the president.

“I will require the support of the Colombian people,” he said.

Uribismo IS NOT DEAD
The candidate of the Democratic Centre Oscar Iván Zuluaga, who was surprised to win in the first round of voting on 25 May, but who failed to convince the majority with his attacks the Colombian peace process.

However, he enlisted the support of a significant 45% of the electorate went to the polls, which confirms the weight of Uribe’s ghost in the Colombian political scene.

Just minutes after the last newsletter of the Registrar will deliver, Zuluaga recognized the victory of his opponent.

“I feel very proud to have been a candidate for President Uribe of Colombia”, he said in reference to the political affiliation he did not hide at any time. Even made an invitation to that party from now, is better organized as it is “an alternative to Colombia.”

Another was the tone Uribe, head of the Democratic Centre. The current senator did not recognize the election victory, nor did h congratulated the President, whose candidacy Uribe described as the “most corrupt in the history of Colombia.”

Abstention this time was around 52%, lower than in the first round figure, when 6 out of 10 Colombians decided to stay at home, but still worrisome for a country that has major political and social changes to come peace with social justice.
===========================================

GRANMA

Elecciones en Colombia: paz 1, guerra 0

Los colombianos reeligieron a Juan Manuel Santos y su propuesta de llegar a la paz por la vía del diálogo

Autor: Redacción Internacional | internacionales@granma.cu

16 de junio de 2014 00:06:16

BOGOTÁ.—El electorado co­lom­biano anotó este domingo un gol en la cancha de los que apostaban por regresar a la política guerrerista del expresidente Álvaro Uribe.

El presidente Juan Manuel San­tos obtuvo su reelección para el pe­riodo 2014-2018 con el apoyo del 50,9 % de los sufragios, lo que quiere decir que unos 4 millones 500 mil electores se sumaron a los que ha­bían apoyado sus propuestas en la primera vuelta.

El mandatario centró la recta final de su campaña en el proceso de paz que mantiene en La Habana con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo y el proceso exploratorio con el Ejército de Liberación Nacional.

En su primer discurso tras conocer los resultados, Santos aseguró ayer que el triunfo electoral es un mandato de los colombianos por la paz, que “votaron con la ilusión de cambiar el miedo por la esperanza”.

El mandatario electo afirmó que en estos comicios estuvo en juego el rumbo de Colombia y así lo entendieron los sectores independientes, de izquierda, sindicales, organizaciones no gubernamentales, que fueron decisivos para su triunfo.

“Vamos a corregir todo lo que haya que corregir, vamos a ajustar todo lo que haya que ajustar y vamos a reformar todo lo que haya que reformar, porque a eso nos debe llevar la paz, a poner en marcha profundas reformas en nuestro país”, prometió el mandatario.

“Requeriré del apoyo de los co­lombianos”, dijo.

EL URIBISMO NO ESTÁ MUERTO

El candidato del Centro Demo­crático Oscar Iván Zuluaga, quien había sorprendido al llevarse la victoria en la primera vuelta de los comicios el 25 de mayo pasado, no logró convencer a la gran mayoría de los colombianos con sus ataques al proceso de paz.

Sin embargo, consiguió el apoyo de un importante 45 % del electorado que asistió a las urnas, lo que confirma el peso del fantasma uribista en el escenario político colombiano.

Tan solo unos minutos después de que se entregara el último boletín de la Registraduría, Zuluaga reconoció la victoria de su oponente.

“Me siento muy orgulloso de haber sido el candidato del uribismo a la Presidencia de Colombia”, refirió en referencia a la afiliación política que no ocultó en ningún momento. Incluso hizo una invitación para que esa colectividad a partir de ahora, se organice mejor ya que es “una alternativa para Colombia”.

Otro fue el tono de Uribe, jefe del Centro Democrático. El actual senador no reconoció el triunfo electoral, ni felicitó al Presidente, cuya candidatura calificó como la de “mayor corrupción en la historia de Co­lombia”.

La abstención en esta ocasión rondó el 52 %, una cifra menor a la registrada en la primera vuelta, cuando 6 de cada 10 colombianos decidió quedarse en su casa, pero aún preocupante para un país que tiene por delante importantes transformaciones políticas y sociales para llegar a la paz con justicia social.
http://www.granma.cu/mundo/2014-06-16/elecciones-en-colombia-paz-1-guerra-0

http://rt.com/op-edge/166192-usaid-cuban-five-terrorism/

USAID & the Cuban Five: Criminalizing counterterrorism, legalizing regime change

Nile Bowie is a political analyst and photographer currently residing in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. He can be reached on Twitter or at nilebowie@gmail.com

June 16, 2014 09:37

The plight of five imprisoned Cuban counterterrorism officers, known collectively as the Cuban Five, has been the subject of a growing campaign to lobby Congress in favor of releasing the men.

The five officers were monitoring Cuban exile groups based in Miami with an established track record of orchestrating terrorist acts inside Cuba. The group had informed US authorities of their actions, and were not in possession of any weapons, nor did they engage in any act of espionage against the US or cause harm to any person.

In September 1998, the five officers were arrested by FBI agents and were accused of conspiracy to commit espionage. Their trial, which lasted over six months, became the longest in US history. Though the group was never directly accused of espionage, nor were any acts of espionage committed, the five Cuban men were sentenced to a total of four life sentences plus 77 years.

No fair trial

The men were initially kept in solitary confinement for 17 months, and were later imprisoned in five separate maximum-security prisons spread across the US without the possibility of communication with each other. Their case represents the first time in US history that life sentences were meted out on espionage charges.

The consensus among various legal experts and advocacy groups is that political and partisan considerations worked against justice and the five Cuban men were not given a fair trial. The trial was held in Miami, a region that is synonymous with maintaining open hostility toward the Cuban government, making it incredibly difficult to seat an impartial jury in such a politically charged atmosphere.

According to reports, the US government commissioned several Miami-based journalists to write negative stories to discredit the five defendants, which were widely publicized to influence public opinion. Moreover, the US government even recognized in writing that it was unable to substantiate the conspiracy to commit murder charges against Gerardo Hernandez, one of the five defendants.

During the lengthy appeals process, a three-judge panel in 2005 overturned all of the convictions on the grounds that the defendants had not received a fair trial in Miami, but Washington pressured the Court of Appeals in 2006 to reverse the decision.

The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention also concluded that the imprisonment of the group was arbitrary, and urged the US government to correct the situation. Despite dissenting opinions from judges in the Court of Appeals, the US Supreme Court intervened in 2009 to announce its decision not to review the case of the five Cuban nationals, despite strong arguments made by their defense attorneys.

Who’s fighting terrorism

The predicament facing the Cuban Five is relevant not just on the basis that these men were denied justice, but that their detention is a result of the group’s efforts to thwart terrorist activities carried out by Cuban exile groups with the support and collusion of US intelligence agencies.

Cuba has faced terrorist activities for decades, in addition to attempted US military invasions and numerous assassination attempts upon its former President, Fidel Castro. The vast majority of bomb attacks and other terrorism that has historically afflicted Cuba originate from southern Florida, carried out by Cuban-exile groups that are tolerated and partly financed by the US government.

A series of bombings swept through Havana in 1997 targeting hotels, restaurants, bars and clubs. Cuba dispatched the five officers who would later be arrested and given life sentences precisely because they intended to monitor the suspected culprits of the bombings who were based in Miami. The men were arrested and charged despite their attempts to share information with the FBI in the hope that they would assist in clamping down on violent right-wing exile groups.

The string of bombings was later confirmed to be orchestrated by Luis Posada Carriles, a Cuban exile and former CIA asset. Carriles moved to the United States after the Cuban revolution and helped to organize the failed invasion at the Bay of Pigs; he was later trained by the CIA in sabotage and explosives, becoming a key figure among the exile community for orchestrating anti-Castro activities.

Carriles admitted his involvement in the 1997 bombings in Havana, and was convicted in absentia in Panama for bombing a Cuban airliner in 1976 that killed 78 civilians. Despite warnings from the US Justice Department, Carriles was allowed to remain in the United States and was acquitted of all charges in 2011, allowing him to continue living comfortably in Miami.

Foreign affairs logic

The Cuban government has consistently campaigned for the release of the five men over the last fifteen years. Two of the men, René González and Fernando Gonzalez, were allowed to end their sentences early, in October 2011 and February 2014 respectively. The three other men received much harsher sentences; Antonio Guerrero will be released in September 2017, while Ramón Labañino’s release is scheduled for October 2024. Gerardo Hernandez faces to two life terms plus 15 years of imprisonment.

In an effort to release the three remaining men, Havana has repeatedly offered to begin negotiations with the Obama administration on a possible exchange of their three remaining agents for Alan Gross, an American contractor currently serving a 15-year sentence in Cuba for smuggling illegal satellite communication equipment into the country as part of a US Agency for International Development (USAID) democracy promotion program initiated under the Bush Administration.

Gross smuggled laptops, smartphones, hard drives, networking equipment, and satellite communications equipment into the country, which he claimed was only designed to facilitate internet access for the small Jewish community in Cuba. Upon his detention, Gross was found to be carrying a specialized SIM card not available on the open market and is distributed only to governments that experts say is often used by the Pentagon and the CIA to mask satellite signals to avoid being tracked.

Havana sentenced Gross to 15 years in prison for smuggling and encouraging “acts against the integrity”of the state in December 2009. The Cuban authorities view the operations of USAID as attempts to foment regime change and consider such programs to be an affront to its sovereignty. Washington has refused even to provide operational details of its USAID projects in Cuba to various congressional committees charged with overseeing the program, which operates with a massive $20 million budget

The Obama administration recently set a precedent by swapping five members of the Taliban who were detained in Guantánamo Bay for Army Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl, an American solider imprisoned in Afghanistan. When asked at a recent press conference, US State Department spokesperson Jen Psakidismissed the possibility of a prisoner swap that would free the three remaining Cuban officers in exchange for Gross.

The rationale for the Obama administration’s decision to swap members of the Taliban for Bergdahl was allegedly an expression of the principle that soldiers are not left behind on the battlefield. Dozens of American senators have called on President Obama to take whatever steps are in the national interest to free Gross, while members of the Gross family have criticized Washington for all-but abandoning the detained American contractor and lacking the political will to compromise with Havana to secure his release.

In the midst of the Obama administration’s lax efforts to get Alan Gross released from detention, USAID found itself muddled in a scandal that exposed the agency’s failed attempt to engineer a Twitter-like text messaging network in Cuba with the aim of spreading information tarnishing the reputation of the Cuban government, ostensibly with the aim of igniting anti-government sentiments.

The unjust imprisonment of Cuban officers is the biggest impediment to an improvement in relations between Washington and Havana, and the precedent is now set to for a common sense prisoner swap that would be mutually beneficial for both sides. If the Obama administration is comfortable with releasing five former Taliban fighters to free an American, there should be no question about freeing the three remaining Cuban counterterrorism officers.

Despite calling for better relations with Cuba during his 2008 campaign, the Obama administration has not deviated from the harassment and regime change policies undertaken by consecutive US administrations. The injustice meted out to the Cuban Five is a testament to Washington’s infinite capacity for embracing double standards, as counterterrorism operations are criminalized while anti-Castro terrorists walk free.

The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.

Discurso pronunciado por el General de Ejército Raúl Castro Ruz, Presidente de los Consejos de Estado y de Ministros, en ocasión de la Cumbre del Grupo de los 77 más China

Agradezco al compañero Evo Morales Ayma, Presidente y destacado representante de los pueblos originarios de nuestra región, la convocatoria de esta importante Cumbre…

Autor: Consejo de Estado | internet@granma.cu

15 de junio de 2014 17:06:47

(Versiones Taquigráficas – Consejo de Estado)

Compañero Evo Morales Ayma, Presidente del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia y Presidente del Grupo de los 77 más China:

Excelencias:

Agradezco al compañero Evo Morales Ayma, Presidente y destacado representante de los pueblos originarios de nuestra región, la convocatoria de esta importante Cumbre.

Al término de la Primera Conferencia de Naciones Unidas sobre Comercio y Desarrollo, en junio de 1964, un grupo de países en desarrollo, conscientes de los enormes desafíos que tendrían que sortear, decidió marchar unido para hacer frente a un sistema económico mundial que desde entonces se manifestaba desigual e injusto.

A este grupo se debe la preparación, negociación y aprobación, el primero de mayo de 1974, hace ya 40 años, de uno de los documentos programáticos más importantes en la lucha contra el subdesarrollo y por el logro de la justicia económica internacional: la Declaración y el Programa de Acción para el Establecimiento de un Nuevo Orden Internacional, (y cito), “basado en la equidad, la igualdad soberana, la interdependencia, el interés común y la cooperación de todos los Estados, cualesquiera sean sus sistemas económicos y sociales, que permita corregir las desigualdades y reparar las injusticias actuales, eliminar las disparidades crecientes entre los países desarrollados y los países en desarrollo y garantizar a las generaciones presentes y futuras un desarrollo económico y social que vaya acelerándose, en la paz y la justicia (…)”. (Fin de la cita).

Poco después, logró la aprobación de la Carta de Derechos y Deberes Económicos de los Estados, que consagra el ejercicio de la soberanía de los Estados sobre los recursos naturales y la actividad económica en su territorio.

Esos importantes documentos mantienen plena vigencia, pero la gran paradoja es que hoy no se quiere hablar de ellos. Se les califica de “atrasados” y “superados por los hechos”.

Sin embargo, ahora se amplía la brecha entre el norte y el sur, y una profunda crisis económica global, resultante del irreversible fracaso del neoliberalismo impuesto desde los principales centros de poder, con un impacto devastador para nuestros países, se ha convertido en la más larga y compleja de las últimas ocho décadas.

Cuando casi concluye el ciclo previsto para los Objetivos de Desarrollo, acordados en la Cumbre del Milenio del año 2000:
•Mil doscientos millones de personas en el mundo viven en la pobreza extrema. En África subsahariana, el número de pobres ha aumentado ininterrumpidamente, pasando de 290 millones en 1990 a 414 millones en el 2010.
•Una de cada ocho personas en el mundo sufre de hambre crónica.
•El 45% de los niños fallecidos antes de cumplir los cinco años, muere por malnutrición.

•La deuda externa registra niveles sin precedentes, a pesar de los enormes pagos que hemos realizado por su servicio.
•Se agrava el cambio climático, generado -en lo fundamental-, por los patrones de producción y consumo irracionales y derrochadores de los países industrializados que, de mantenerse, para el 2030 harían falta recursos naturales equivalentes a dos planetas.

Ante estas realidades, conserva plena vigencia el principio de las responsabilidades comunes, pero diferenciadas en el enfrentamiento del cambio climático y otros desafíos ambientales.

Como ha dicho el compañero Fidel Castro Ruz, “Existen los recursos para financiar el desarrollo. Lo que falta es la voluntad política de los gobiernos de los países desarrollados.”

Es preciso exigir un nuevo orden financiero y monetario internacional y condiciones comerciales justas para productores e importadores a los guardianes del capital, centrados en el Fondo Monetario Internacional y el Banco Mundial, a los defensores del neoliberalismo, agrupados en la Organización Mundial de Comercio, que intentan dividirnos.

Solo la unidad nos permitirá hacer prevalecer nuestra amplia mayoría.

Así tendremos que hacerlo si queremos que la Agenda de Desarrollo después del 2015, que deberá incluir los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible, ofrezca respuestas a los problemas estructurales de las economías de nuestros países, genere cambios que permitan proponerse un desarrollo sostenible; sea universal y responda a los diferentes niveles de desarrollo.

Compañero Presidente:

En la actualidad, se transgrede la soberanía de los Estados, se violan de forma descarnada los principios del Derecho Internacional y los postulados del Nuevo Orden Económico Internacional, se imponen conceptos que intentan legalizar la injerencia, se usa la fuerza y se amenaza con su uso de manera impune, se utilizan los medios para promover la división. Todavía resuena en nuestros oídos aquella amenaza contra “60 o más oscuros rincones del mundo” del presidente de Estados Unidos George W. Bush, obviamente, todos países miembros del Grupo de los 77.

Debemos ejercer nuestra solidaridad con aquellos a quienes se amenaza con la agresión. Hoy, el caso más nítido es la República Bolivariana de Venezuela, contra la que se emplean los medios más sofisticados de subversión y desestabilización, incluidos los intentos de golpe de Estado, según las concepciones de la guerra no convencional que Estados Unidos hoy aplica para derrocar gobiernos, subvertir y desestabilizar sociedades.

Por más de 50 años, hemos sido víctimas de un genocida bloqueo norteamericano; de acciones terroristas que han costado la vida a miles de nuestros ciudadanos, y provocado cuantiosos daños materiales. La absurda inclusión de Cuba en la lista de “Estados Patrocinadores del Terrorismo Internacional”, es una afrenta a nuestro pueblo.

Como hemos denunciado, es creciente la promoción de acciones ilegales, encubiertas y subversivas, así como el uso del ciberespacio para intentar desestabilizarnos, no solo a Cuba, sino a países cuyos gobiernos no aceptan injerencia ni tutelaje. De esta forma, cualquier nación puede ser objeto de ataques informáticos dirigidos a fomentar la desconfianza, la desestabilización y conflictos potenciales.

Durante todos estos años, siempre nos ha acompañado la firme solidaridad de los miembros del Grupo de los 77 más China, lo que agradezco en nombre del pueblo cubano.

Aprovechemos este 50 aniversario del Grupo de los 77 para renovar nuestro compromiso común de concertar esfuerzos y estrechar filas para construir un mundo más justo.

Muchas Gracias (Aplausos).

FARS NEWS

Sun Jun 15, 2014 3:6
Cuba’s President Urges Allies to Support Venezuela’s Maduro

TEHRAN (FNA)- Cuban president urged allies to defend Venezuela against foreign conspiracies, amid months of anti-government protests in Venezuela.

“Venezuela deserves strong support from its allies,” Raul Castro said in a speech at a Group 77 (G-77) plus China meeting in the Bolivian city of Santa Cruz, press tv reported.

“Imperialism and the oligarchs who were no match for President (Hugo) Chavez think that the time to destroy the Bolivarian revolution and overthrow President (Nicolas) Maduro’s government using unconventional warfare methods, as they have done lately in different countries,” Castro stressed.

Bolivian President Evo Morales also commented on the situation in Venezuela, saying that if the United States meddles militarily in the country, it would have a new Vietnam on its hands.

“If Barack Obama keeps assailing the people of Venezuela, I am convinced that, faced with provocation and aggression, Venezuela and Latin America will be a second Vietnam for the United States,” Morales stressed.

“Let us defend democracy, natural resources, our sovereignty and our dignity,” Morales added.