Category: Analysis
Can Texas Get Any Crazier? (Part 2)
| February 25, 2015 | 9:36 pm | Analysis, Local/State, National, political struggle, United Nations | Comments closed

USOutOfUN

Save the Alamo from the UN!

 

 

By James Thompson

 

Just when we thought the nuttiest nuts from Texas couldn’t get any nuttier, they screech “Save the Alamo from the UN!”

 

According to the Houston Chronicle, Sen. Donna Campbell, R-New Braunfels, introduced a bill to protect the Alamo from coming under the control of the UN. She is quoted as saying “I can tell you anything that starts with UN gives me cause for concern.” She filed the bill in response to the nomination of the Alamo as a UNESCO (the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) World Heritage site.

 

This potential designation has many people in San Antonio very excited since it would be a first for Texas. The bill apparently has bipartisan opposition in the Texas state legislature.

 

Opposition to the United Nations, a world wide peacekeeping organization, by vicious right-wingers has been loud, obnoxious and outrageous since the inception of the organization. I can remember seeing billboards along the highways of Texas and Oklahoma which proclaimed “Get the US Out Of the UN!” when I was a child.

 

According to Wikipedia, “The John Birch Society, an anti-communist group founded in 1958, was opposed to US involvement from the society’s beginning. From an early date they had bumper stickers with the slogan “Get the U.S. out of the U.N. and the U.N. out of the U.S.!”

 

Hopefully, this bill will die a timely death so that Texas can avoid being designated as the “Lamebrain Capitol of the World.”

On the Situation in Greece
| February 24, 2015 | 8:00 pm | Analysis, Communist Party Greece (KKE), Economy, Greece, International, Labor, political struggle | Comments closed

 

February 17,  2015

Interview of Giorgos Marinos, member of the Political Bureau of the CP Greece (KKE), for the Brazilian magazine “Revista Opera.”

1 – How do you see the recent election of Syriza? Will they be able to solve Greece’s workers’ needs?

In our assessment, the replacement of the ND-PASOK government by the SYRIZA-ANEL one can not help satisfy the people’s needs today. And this is because the new government, like the previous one, despite its “leftwing” sloganeering operates within the same framework: the country’s participation in the EU and NATO, the implementation of the commitments to these imperialist unions, the recognition of the unbearable state debt that the people are not responsible for, the support for the profitability of the capitalist interests in the name of the “competitiveness of the national economy”.

So the new government’s program is simply seeking to manage the phenomena of extreme poverty, while at the same time the unbearable situation will continue for the majority of the people, as the causes of the people’s problems will remain in place. These causes are to be found in the very nature of capitalism.

2 – Has KKE offered Syriza an alliance? If so, which were the conditions for the agreement?

Life has demonstrated that crudely assembled coalitions of parties in the name of the left and intentions to better manage capitalism do not serve the workers. The experience in Greece and internationally, in our assessment, demonstrates that “centre-left”, “progressive”, “leftwing” governments in the framework of capitalism (e.g. in Italy, France, Cyprus, Brazil etc.) also took anti-people measures, were not able to avoid the consequences of the capitalist crisis and actively participated in imperialist wars. Such governments exacerbated the disillusionment amongst the workers, weakened the labour movement and in each case constituted a “bridge” to more rightwing policies.

Our party in a very timely manner had excluded the possibility of participating in or supporting a “leftwing” government of SYRIZA, which promises that there can be a pro-people management inside the framework of capitalism and the imperialist unions. On our part, we did not participate in the spreading of such illusions and place some “conditions” on SYRIZA, because it is obvious that we have a diametrically different approach: SYRIZA seeks the humanization of capitalism, the KKE seeks its overthrow and the construction of another society. However, we promoted our political proposal, which in brief provides for the following: unilateral cancellation of the debt, disengagement from the EU and NATO, socialization of the means of production, central planning of the economy, workers’-people’s power.

I should note that the KKE has its own view about what type of alliances the country needs. We have charted the line of forming the people’s alliance, comprised of social forces, the working class, the poor and medium sized farmers, the urban petty bourgeois strata, whose interests lie in coming into conflict with the monopolies and capitalism. This alliance, which today has taken its first steps, is struggling for every problem the people have, has an antimonopoly-anticapitalist direction and contributes to the concentration of forces in order to pave the way for the construction of the new socialist-communist society.

3 – Syriza has recently made an agreement with the right-wing party “Independent Greeks”. How do you see that? Was it necessary? Why?

It did not surprise us. Before the elections we had assessed that SYRIZA, if it did not achieve an absolute majority in the Parliament, would form a government with one of the parties that like SYRIZA want Greece to stay inside the EU and NATO. We are talking about the parties that consider that the people should pay for the unbearable debt for which they are not responsible and that support the capitalist path of development. Although there were other bourgeois parties, of various shades, that were eager to collaborate with SYRIZA in the government. SYRIZA chose cooperation with ANEL, a cooperation that had started some time ago.

4 – It seems that Syriza won’t fight EU and US sanctions against Russia. They’ve supported the extent of it last Thursday. What is KKE’s view on that matter?

The government’s stance on the issue of Ukraine, despite the blustering, lasted just 3 days . On the fourth day, the Greek government aligned with the EU and voted for the same sanctions against Russia that had been voted for by the previous ND-PASOK government, leaving the door open for other sanctions in the near future. We should note that it had criticized the stance of the previous government on this issue.

In our evaluation, the sanctions against Russia signify the escalation of the intervention of the EU and the USA in Ukraine, in the framework of their competition with Russia over the control of the markets and the region’s energy resources.

The trade war between the EU and Russia above all is harming the working class and popular strata, such as the small and medium farmers in Greece. This is a trade war that aims to benefit the interests of the monopolies.

The new decision of the EU, with the participation of the Greek left as well, confirms once again the reactionary imperialist character of the EU, which attacks the peoples of Europe and plays a leading role in imperialist plans in order to serve the interests of EU-based capital.

The KKE consistently argues that the Greek people must denounce the stance of the Greek government and demand that there should be no Greek participation in the EU and NATO plans.

5 – We’ve seen the growth of fascist and neonazi organizations throughout Europe. In Greece, there’s Golden Dawn. On last elections they’ve got aroung 6% of the votes. If Syriza fails to solve Greece’s problems, will Golden Dawn grow?

It is true that the criminal Nazi party Golden Dawn, which has murderous activity and was created by the mechanisms of the system, maintains a high percentage in elections, despite the losses it had in votes.

Particular responsibility for the electoral percentage of GD belongs both to the ND-PASOK government that fostered anti-communisms, the theory of the two extremes, the scape-goating of immigrants as well as to the blurred “anti-memorandum” line promoted by SYRIZA which exonerates the people’s real opponents, the capitalists. This specific criminal fascist organization developed on this ideological and political terrain.

The KKE remains the steadfast opponent of fascism, precisely because the KKE opposes capitalism as a whole, the system that creates fascism, nationalism and racism.

The frustration of the expectations which have been cultivated by social-democratic forces, like SYRIZA, can facilitate the activity of Golden Dawn amongst politically backward sections of the people. However, we assess that our people have the strength to reject and isolate the criminal Nazi activity and ideology of Golden Dawn. They possess the historical experience and memory from the 2ndWorld War, from the Anti-fascist Victory. It is a duty and a necessity, especially in the case of the youth and schools, for teachers and for artists and scientists in society more generally to expose, to fight against and to impede the poison of fascism-Nazism. The labour and people’s movement must strengthen its struggle against Nazism and its criminal activity, against the system and the interests that create and sustain such formations.

Mobilizations of Solidarity or Tactics to Confuse the Workers?
| February 24, 2015 | 7:53 pm | Analysis, Greece, International, PAME, political struggle | Comments closed

http://mltoday.com/mobilizations-of-solidarity-or-tactics-to-confuse-the-workers?utm

In addition to the recent ITUC’s statement of “solidarity” with the Greek people, we witness in the last few days media owned by monopoly groups, international organizations and even imperialist governments promoting a campaign called “solidarity” with the Greek people.

In this campaign a key role is played also by some trade union leaderships that have long gone to the side of class collaboration, who now support the European Union, the IMF, the World Bank and even NATO and the imperialist wars. Such mobilizations are NOT “spontaneous”, but are being organised and coordinated bysocialdemocratic, reformist and even some far-right wing, racist, political parties (eg. in Greece)

The question arises as to When the monopoly groups and the governments, who have shed the blood of the peoples turned into philanthropists and started shedding tears for the Greek people? (And these are the same organizations that had a key role in supporting the imposition of the memoranda and the anti-labor policies that led the Greek people in misery.) How do they wear the mask of “Solidarity” with the Greek people, when they themselves are supporting and imposing anti-labor policies in their own countries?

PAME even before the elections in Greece had warned of the efforts to present the new government of SYRIZA as a new left party that will bring pro-people change. The truth is that SYRIZA is a new party, but a Social Democratic new party, and the Government that SYRIZA formed has in a leading role atleast 10 members of the old social democratic government of PASOK, which for years imposed anti-labor policies to the Greek people.

Also the new government in Greece has been formed with the Social Democratic SYRIZA and the far-right-nationalist party of Independent Greeks (ANEL), the President of which has served as Minister of the liberal Government of the ND party, receiving the appraisal by the toughest part of the Greek capitalists, the shipowners, due to his provocative anti-workers policy.

In its first days of the new Government:

  • Gave vows of submission and support to capitalism
  • Tried to form coalitions with the anti worker governments of Hollande in France and Renzi in Italy
  • Publicizes the support it received by the government of the USA,  the one that still keeps open the Guantanamo Base, continues the imperialist interventions and gives away billions of dollars to the American banks and multinationals, while the people of the USA live in poverty
  • Supported the sanctions of the imperialist European Union against Russia on Ukraine, following the exact same foreign policy as the previous Greek government

The new government declared that it would not abolish the measures of the memoranda and it will keep intact the 70% of the memoranda reforms, and that it will negotiate compensatory measures for the remaining 30%, compensatory measures which will be agreed by the OECD. The “negotiations” that take place between the Greek government and the Troika are on the interests of the profits of the banks and multinationals, not the welfare of the Greek people.

The Greek government negotiates the name — the title of the new measures and not the substance–  the anti-labour policy that impoverishes  the Greek people. It already seems to result in a new package of unpopular measures in a new memorandum, which simply will be given another name (e.g., bridge-agreement).

Under the false label of “left”, the new government has the absolute -official – support of Greek capital to gain time, to disorient workers in order for the workers to co-sign the new unpopular measures,the expansion and stabilization of the anti-labor laws, or at least not to resist to the new anti workersmeasures. In this direction are already utilizing the GSEE, (the General Confederation of Greek Workers) which is well known for its treacherous role towards the working class.

At the same time, at international level, they use actions as the so called “solidarity to the Greeks” to inactivate the movement in each country, creating and their respective “new saviors” (eg PODEMOS in Spain).This situation raises the questions, do the trade union and political forces that organize such solidarity movements support in their country:

  • NATO
  • The policies of the IMF and the OECD
  • The Governments of Hollande, Renzi, Obama

Or to put it in one sentence, are the trade union and political forces that organize such actions infavor of class collaboration and capitalist development or in favor of the class struggle and thefulfillment of the contemporary needs of the working class against capital?

PAME, since the formation of the new Government in Greece has stated: “Our opponent is here! The business groups, industrialists, shipowners, the hotel-owners, shoppingmall owners, all of them along with their governments and the EU burdened the consequences of the crisis and the debt on the backs of the people, and they continue to become richer over the suffering and misery of the overwhelming majority of the people. The opponent did not leave with the change of government.

Using this change the opponent remains here ready and equipped. In all sectors remains and intensifies the employers’ offensive. The layoffs, unemployment, the dominance of flexible labour relations, the unacceptable “employment programs”, the smashing of wages in every way continue to exist under a single goal: to continually reduce the “labour cost”, so as to enrich and multiply the profits of the big business groups. As long as monopolies and big business groups have the economy and political power in their hands, the labour-popular movement must be on permanent alert, ready to fight.

To fight so as to recover our losses and to enforce the fulfilment of thecontemporary needs of the working class.”The “Solidarity” actions are used to support a government that

  • Considers the European Union “our common home”
  • Is in favour of “competitiveness”
  • Is in favour of the “healthy business interests”

That is a government without a pro-people program. The next period the Greek people, the workers’ movement of Greece will face new challenges, newstruggles. In these struggles it will need the massive expression of solidarity with the struggle against thereal enemy, the local and foreign capital, the bankers, the ship-owners, the multinationals.Actual support to the Greek people is strengthening the class struggle in each country against themonopolies and the imperialist organizations, the EU and NATO. Struggle to fulfil the contemporary needs of the working class, struggle for the abolition of capitalist exploitation.

February 2015

PAME, Secretariat of International Relations

USA/Somalia: Rising Threat to Remittances
| February 24, 2015 | 7:28 pm | Africa, Analysis, International | Comments closed

AfricaFocus Bulletin
February 24, 2015 (150224)
(Reposted from sources cited below)

Editor’s Note

When President Obama addressed the White House Conference on
Countering Violent Extremism last week, the media buzz focused on
his message that it was a counterproductive error to equate Islam
and terrorism. Some critics also pointed out the contradictions in
trying to win hearts and minds by parsing language while continuing
to fuel terrorism with drone strikes and collaboration with
repressive regimes. Virtually invisible, however, was the deep
collateral damage from the “financial war on terror,” which
continues to impede remittances from Somali immigrants needed both
for survival and economic development in their homeland.

For a version of this Bulletin in html format, more suitable for
printing, go to http://www.africafocus.org/docs15/som1502.php, and click
on “format for print or mobile.”

To share this on Facebook, click on
https://www.facebook.com/sharer/sharer.php?u=http://www.africafocus.org/docs15/som1502.php

Earlier this month, the last American bank providing services to
Somali money transfer operators began to cut off remaining accounts,
having tried unsuccessfully to meet demands from U.S. agencies to
tighten control of “risks” that money might go to terrorists. The
threat is not new, and the administration has pledged to take
action, but the “financial war on terror” continues to take
priority, leaving calls for urgent action by the administration
unanswered.

This AfricaFocus Bulletin contains excepts from a new report on this
issue from three non-governmental groups: “Hanging by a Thread: The
Ongoing Threat to Somalia’s Remittance Lifeline.” The full report,
which includes sections on the UK and Australia as well as the
United States, is available at http://tinyurl.com/mvnwwaw

For additional background on the threat to remittances from the
“financial war on terror,” with a particular focus on the UK, see
this AfricaFocus Bulletin from a year ago (http://www.africafocus.org/docs14/som1402.php).

For a February 6 letter to Secretary of State Kerry from Keith
Ellison and other members of Congress calling for urgent U.S. action
on the crisis, see http://tinyurl.com/ls9r6cf

For an article on the high cost of remittances, see
http://www.africafocus.org/docs14/remi1404.php

For additional AfricaFocus Bulletins on migration-related issues,
visit http://www.africafocus.org/migrexp.php

For previous AfricaFocus Bulletins on Somalia, visit
http://www.africafocus.org/country/somalia.php

For a summary and links for recent developments in USA/Somalia
relations, see the February 23 post from Africa Militarism Watch (
http://tinyurl.com/mp9gx3b)

++++++++++++++++++++++end editor’s note+++++++++++++++++

Hanging by a Thread

The ongoing threat to Somalia’s remittance lifeline

Joint Agency Briefing Note, 19 February 2015

Adeso (African Development Solutions, Nairobi,
http://adesoafrica.org/)

Global Center on Cooperative Security (London,
http://www.globalcenter.org/)

Oxfam (Oxford, http://www.oxfam.org)

[Link to Adeso press release and full report:
http://tinyurl.com/mvnwwaw]

Every year, Somalia receives approximately $1.3bn in remittances –
money sent from the Somali diaspora to loved ones back home.
Remittances account for between 25 and 45 percent of Somalia’s
economy and exceed the amount it receives in humanitarian aid,
development aid and foreign direct investment combined. As Somali
money transfer operators lose their bank accounts, Somali families
are losing their only formal or transparent channel through which to
send money. Somalia needs long-term support to build sustainable
financial institutions as well as urgent help to maintain its
current remittance flows.

Introduction

As Somali families visit their local money transfer office to pick
up money from relatives in Minneapolis, Toronto, London, Melbourne,
Nairobi, Copenhagen or elsewhere, they are hoping that this is not
the month that their funds fail to arrive. Money transfer operators
(MTOs) estimate that over 80 percent of the start-up capital for
small businesses in Somalia is sent by the diaspora. Money received
from abroad is also used to meet basic needs, including food, water,
shelter, and  education. Additionally, most remittance recipients
provide support to poorer relatives.

The Problem

Somalia is not only one of the most remittance-dependent countries
in the world, it also faces a unique set of challenges in its effort
to maintain remittance inflows. Unlike the remittance industry in
many countries, Somalia’s money transfer system is relatively
affordable and accessible to customers. Somalia does not have a
functioning commercial banking system: Central Bank of Somalia
currently has very limited correspondent relationships with foreign
banks, little to no commercial banking services, and inadequate
supervisory capacity to oversee the sector. Foreign banks and MTOs
are basically absent.

That leaves Somali MTOs – a group of companies that grew out of
informal hawala networks – as the only formal, practical, and
regulated set of institutions through which to send money to
Somalia. To operate, MTOs require bank accounts in countries from
which money is sent. Unfortunately, in recent years, Somali MTOs
have found it increasingly difficult to access banking services in
the  USA, the UK, Australia and elsewhere. Banks are exiting sectors
viewed as high-risk, including the money transfer sector, and they
have branded Somalia as a particularly risky destination for money
transfers because of its weak financial regulation and the presence
of groups listed as terrorists. Despite the significant efforts that
Somali MTOs have made to comply with Anti-Money Laundering and
Combating the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) regulations, most
international banks view Somali MTOs as high-risk customers. The
decreasing access to banking services and the increasing cost of
compliance has reduced MTOs’ profits and limited their ability to
further expand their service and coverage.

The risk of legal money flows being significantly curtailed and in
some contexts, potentially cut off completely, remains a terrifying,
and all-too-real prospect. As Somali MTOs lose their banking
arrangements, remittances to Somalia could decrease in volume and go
underground. This would defeat the object of upholding AML/CFT
regulations, and would create a system that regulators and law
enforcement officials cannot penetrate, increasing the potential for
abuse. Informal business networks, supported by couriers carrying
hundreds of thousands of dollars, would likely replace the current
formal systems that are accountable to regulators and the
communities they serve. Families that depend on remittances would
suffer, while the criminal networks that seek to exploit the system
would benefit.

Since July 2013, governments, MTOs, and banks in the UK and the US
especially have made some strides toward solutions. US and UK
policymakers have increasingly prioritized the flow of remittances
to Somalia. Somali authorities have taken important steps toward
effectively regulating money transfers, and the use of mobile money
transfer technology continues to expand in Somalia. Much of this
progress has come in response to political pressure and public
campaigning.

This briefing reviews international efforts to facilitate
remittances to Somalia since July 2013, identifying successes but
also some significant gaps in the response. It focuses on the US and
the UK as the two countries with the highest populations of Somali
diaspora and where the threat to the remittance system is most
acute. It also covers recent events in Australia, where the future
viability of the Somali remittance industry now seems uncertain, and
where the Australian government has begun working with MTOs and
banks to address these challenges.

The recommendations in this paper have a worldwide application,
particularly as they relate to the role of G20 countries in
fulfilling their commitments to financial inclusion.

Box 1: The humanitarian situation in Somalia

Rising food prices, poor rains, displacement, conflict, trade
disruption, and reduced levels of humanitarian aid have combined to
create a poor food security situation which some have compared to
the situation in 2011 that resulted in famine. More than 730,000
people in Somalia are dependent on aid for survival. At the time of
writing, an estimated 202,600 children under the age of five are
acutely malnourished, including almost 38,200 severely malnourished
children considered to be at death’s door. This is in a context of
long-term chronic poverty and lack of services, with one in every
five children in Somalia dying before their fifth birthday. Only 30
percent of the population has access to clean drinking water, and
there are more than 1.1 million internally displaced people in
Somalia and 1 million refugees.

[end box]

With one out of every three Somalis saying that without these
remittance flows they would not be able to pay for food, school or
basic healthcare, further strain on this vital lifeline would throw
many more families into crisis and undermine efforts to foster a
stable and peaceful Somalia. The fact that this money is immediately
available for recipients to spend on their most immediate needs, or
to invest in the most promising opportunities, makes it all the more
important to Somalia’s recovery.

The economic obstacles facing the Somali people, including their
need for a sustainable financial system, require long-term
solutions. That should not, however, dilute the urgency with which
the current Somali remittance system must be strengthened. The
Somali government must lead, but the US, UK and Australian
governments, the G20 and its member governments, the Financial
Action Task Force, and the World Bank must all act swiftly to
maintain the financial lifeline between Somalia and its diaspora
population.

The impact on women in Somalia as the main caregivers in their
families is particularly great. Although statistics are scarce, it
appears that more than half of Somali women receive remittances.
Remittances are often the only funds that female caregivers are able
to access and control, making them a vital tool for women’s economic
empowerment, which in turn boosts the ability of women to claim
their social and political rights. Studies have found that whenwomen
receive and control remittances, they are more likely to invest the
funds in overall household well-being through increased expenditures
on health, education, and nutrition. However, control over
remittances is not a given for women recipients. This is critical,
in particular for women who are relying solely on remittances for
family survival.

Since the start of the civil war, women have taken on greater roles
in terms of being providers for their families, starting small
businesses (for which investment from the diaspora is crucial), and
at the same time providing primary care for their children. Some
women who receive remittances choose to go beyond the simple day-to-
day management of the money and invest part of the resources in
income-generating activities in order to mitigate the irregularity
and precariousness of this source of income. If remittances were to
be curtailed, women and their families would bear much of the shock.

——–

‘People’s entire lives are dependent on these remittances, and until
the day that Somalia can take care of its own people, we remain
dependent on them.

This is not just extra money: this is money that I need to survive
on a daily basis. Not only am I dependent on it, but more than ten
relatives – my entire extended family – are as well. I have sick
relatives who need medication, and children that I am trying to
provide an education for. This money is vital for that. If I did not
receive this money we would not be able to survive and I am scared
to even think about what could happen.’ – Hawa Abdullahi Warsame,
Badhan, Somalia

—–

Remittances to Somalis from the United States and the US Government
Response

Following the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, several large US
banks responded to tougher money laundering regulation and
enforcement by closing the accounts of MTOs. Somali remittance
company executives had warned throughout the early 2000s that the
US–Somalia money transfer corridor was under threat. However, it was
not until the height of the 2010–2011 Horn of Africa drought, when
Sunrise Community Bank announced it would close Somali MTO accounts,
that Somali communities and humanitarian agencies mobilized at
scale. Thankfully, MTOs were able to survive, relying on a number of
small- and medium-sized banks around the US to process their
business. However, this episode exposed an alarming lack of
foresight on the part of the US government, in stark contrast with
its public recognition that a closure of formal mechanisms to
transfer money to Somalia would be disastrous for US and Somali
interests.

Box 3: US government bank regulators: Singing from the same
songsheet?

The public commitments to support MTOs made by Treasury Department
policy makers in 2014 are encouraging, but a great many governmental
actors need to buy into Treasury’s message if the banking
environment is going to change. The Financial Crimes Enforcement
Network (FinCEN) and the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) are
two bodies within Treasury which establish their own regulations.
FinCEN additionally supplies data in criminal investigations and
OFAC conducts enforcement actions for violations of its rules. The
agencies that supervise and insure banks – the Office of the
Comptroller of the Currency (OCC), the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation (FDIC), the Federal Reserve Board – as well as the
National Credit Union Administration, maintain their independence
from Treasury Department policy makers (including the OCC, which is
housed within Treasury). They each have direct contact with
financial institutions and, through their examinations and
enforcement actions which aim to guarantee the soundness of the
financial system, regulate the risk of money laundering.

Finally, criminal prosecutors have become increasingly important
players in recent years. The US Department of Justice, through an
effort called Operation Choke Point, has aggressively targeted banks
that maintain relationships with customers it views as high-risk. US
attorneys prosecuting federal crimes frequently work hand-in-hand
with state prosecutors, who are independently responsible for
upholding state law and whose influence is significant in certain
jurisdictions where international banks conduct high volumes of
business, such as New York.

These government actors have different objectives in their
engagement with banks. While some of them coordinate with Treasury
Department policy makers, none of them are responsible or
accountable for US foreign policy, despite wielding great influence
in that realm. The distance between diplomatic channels and the
regulation of banks has greatly complicated efforts by the Somali
government, and to a lesser extent the UK government, which have
made a powerful case that the discontinuance of Somali MTO bank
accounts undercuts the countries’ shared policy goals.

[end box]

Over the past three years, the US government has taken some modest
but important steps to help put Somalia on a stronger financial
footing. The formation of a National Security Council-led
interagency working group on remittances to Somalia demonstrates
that the government has come to appreciate the consequences of a
disruption in remittance flows. The US Treasury Department and USAID
have collaborated with the Central Bank of Somalia to help improve
its public financial management system and to pave the way for the
country to develop a banking system and become financially self-
sufficient. The Treasury Department is helping the Central Bank
build its supervision unit, a much needed capacity for any country
that aims to connect to international financial networks. President
Obama also signed into law the Money Remittances Improvement Act, a
common sense measure that streamlines oversight of the money
transfer industry and may yield a marginal increase in access to
banking services for MTOs.

Perhaps most promising is the Treasury Department’s September 2014
promise to clarify expectations for banks dealing with high-risk
MTOs; a promise which reflects real political commitment to
addressing the systemic challenges facing the most difficult-to-
serve money transfer corridors. Treasury’s Financial Crimes
Enforcement Network November 2014 statement on banking for money
service businesses, including MTOs, helpfully emphasized that banks
are not expected to regulate the money services industry or know
each individual remitter.

Still, the system facilitating remittances from the US to Somalia
remains in critical condition and the US government remains
startlingly unprepared to manage the potential fallout. Most Somali
MTOs have no bank accounts in the major population centres they
serve. Until recently, this forced them to keep large amounts of
cash on hand and to truck it across state lines in armoured
vehicles. MTO executives say this has kept them from expanding
services to smaller Somali communities and made it difficult to
maintain their existing presence and rates. And the situation has
now become even worse: Merchants Bank of California, the principal
bank facilitating remittances to Somalia, announced that it would
close all Somali MTO accounts on February 6 2015.

At the time of writing, Somali MTOs are closing most of their branch
locations, leaving many Somali migrants without a legal way to
support their loved ones. Without US government intervention or a
new bank’s involvement, Somalia and the greater Horn of Africa may
be poised to suffer a sharp economic decline and an acute
humanitarian crisis. To date, the US government has offered no
assurance that it is prepared to take the necessary steps to keep
money flowing legally and transparently to people who need it.

——

‘It’s kind of scary to the community here and abroad. People are
wondering why, if it’s legitimate, would the US government make it
difficult for them to send money to their loved ones. This part of
East Africa has been in conflict and they don’t need their life to
be more difficult. People are already dying of hunger. Sometimes
even in normal years lives are fragile because the infrastructure is
limited. So people depend on each other greatly. If the government
and [MTOs] work together, they can fix it.’ – Sadiq Yusuf Mohamud,
Minneapolis, MN, USA

Recommendations

The Somali Federal Government and other Somali authorities should:

Improve financial management and transparency:

[see detailed recommendations in full report]

Somali Money Transfer Operators should:

[see detailed recommendations in full report]

The US government should:

* Take emergency measures to ensure that Somali migrants in the US
can continue to send money freely and legally to their loved ones in
Somalia. We have called for the US government to prepare for the
possibility that Somali MTOs will be forced to close branch
locations and reduce the flow of remittances because of a lack of
banking options. That moment has now arrived. There are a number of
different ways the US government can maintain the continued flow of
remittances to Somalia through formal channels, such as: – preparing
a special regulatory regime, including safe harboursfor banks doing
business with licensed and regulated Somali-American MTOs; or –
preparing an agreement with a public financial institution, such as
the New York Federal Reserve, to facilitate remittances to Somalia.

* Develop an outreach programme to educate and clarify policy for
bank examiners to emphasize the importance of banking for MTOs. Bank
examiners face negative repercussions if money laundering takes
place in the banks they monitor. They do not benefit from
maintaining accounts for companies they view as risky, even if they
are compliant with US regulation. The examiners have no incentive to
protect access to banking for companies or organizations that
promote financial inclusion. The OCC, the FDIC, and the Federal
Reserve strategies to remedy this problem should include
modifications to the examiners’ handbook and examiner training.

* Clarify expectations for banks dealing with MTOs. In his 8 October
2014 blog post, Assistant Secretary of the US Treasury, Daniel
Glazer, pledged that the Treasury Department will work with federal
banking agencies to update the guidance for banks dealing with MTOs
and that that this guidance would emphasize that, ‘with sufficient
controls, banks can effectively manage high-risk money
transmitters.’ To make a difference, this guidance should be
specific enough on what constitutes ‘sufficient controls’ to give
banks confidence that they can comply with the law and avoid
enforcement and prosecution.

* Clearly communicate the US government’s objectives in
extraterritorial application of US AML/CFT laws. The US government’s
aggressive approach to the prevention of money laundering has
included imposing hefty fines on foreign banks conducting business
in US dollars. This has convinced many banks that maintaining
accounts for money service businesses, particularly smaller
companies serving higher-risk destinations, is not worth the risk.
In order to reassure responsible banks that it is safe to do
business with money transmitters, the US government should announce
its intention to only enforce against the worst conduct by foreign
banks – which is generally what it has done thus far.

[full report also contains recommendations for UK, Australia, other
countries with significant Somali diaspora population, and the World
Bank]

*****************************************************

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providing reposted commentary and analysis on African issues, with a
particular focus on U.S. and international policies. AfricaFocus
Bulletin is edited by William Minter.

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U.S. Behind Coup d’Etat Attempt in Venezuela
| February 23, 2015 | 7:49 pm | Analysis, International, Latin America, National, Venezuela | Comments closed
U.S. Behind Coup d’Etat Attempt in Venezuela
Pretoria, Feb 19 (Prensa Latina) Venezuelan ambassador to South Africa Mairin Moreno today reiterated that the hand of the US Goverment was behind the latest coup d” etat attempt in her country, and stressed that they will not stop condemning it.

Just a week ago, Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro uncovered this new coup d’ etat that was planned for last February 12, when the Youth Day was celebrated in Venezuela, said Morena in an interview with Prensa Latina.

The ambassador warned that the plan was orchestrated by the opposion and funded by the US Government and included a series of violent acts.

Moreno recalled that the coup was planned meticulously, and they tried to buy the support of Venezuelan top ranking military officials for that purpose.

However, thanks to the consolidated Venezuelan Armed Forces and the Intelligence services, the new coup d’etat was uncovered, stressed the ambassador.

Moreno said that Venezuela will not stop denouncing to the world the atrocities that have been attempted against the Bolivarian Revolution.

The diplomat added that they planned to bomb with Tucano warplanes some of the main Government headquarters, such as the Miraflores Palace, Telesur television channel, and some ministries.

She added that Venezuelan leaders, as it is the case of Robert Serra, have been killed in desperate acts staged by the opposition and forces from abroad to overthrow the Venezuelan revolutionary process.

The ambassador also noted that the chaos created in the country through the increase in prices, smuggled goods, stockpiling activities, are part of the constant attack against the Venezuelan people.

sgl/ajs/rc/dfm

Modificado el ( jueves, 19 de febrero de 2015 )
Unemployment: A Report Card for Capitalism
| February 23, 2015 | 7:27 pm | Analysis, Economy, Karl Marx, Labor, National, Party Voices, political struggle | Comments closed
  – from Zoltan Zigedy is available at:
http://zzs-blg.blogspot.com/
Marx suggests in his articles for the Neue Rheinische Zeitung collected as Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850 that the first order of business for the working class is to secure jobs, “but behind the right to work stands the power over capital; behind the power over capital, the appropriation of the means of production, their subjection to the associated working class and, therefore, the abolition of wage labour, of capital and of their mutual relations.” It is through the struggle for a place in the capitalist system– however lowly– that the means for survival are won and the conditions are met for further challenges to the dominance of capital and even the very system of capitalism. But in a system of private appropriation and with labor as a commodity, life for those without capital begins with securing employment.
Because labor is a commodity, because labor must be a commodity in order for an economic formation to be capitalist, the right to a job cannot be enshrined in a capitalist constitution. Only socialist countries have or can endow everyone with the right to a job. That is why the right to a job is not included in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. A weak “right to work” (participate in the labor market), a right to “free choice of employment” (compete in the labor market), and a right “to protection against unemployment” (vague, nonspecific prophylaxes or amelioration) are there instead (Article 23). Without recognizing the right to a job, the Universal Declaration effectively turns a blind eye to the ravages of unemployment and the indignities and injustices of the buying and selling of human productive effort.
That is one reason that the USSR and other socialist countries abstained from ratifying the Declaration in 1948.
Without unemployment, the capitalist system would suffer persistent pressure on the rate of profit. When the commodity– labor power– becomes scarce, capitalists must pay more to secure it, as they would for any other commodity. And since labor remains the largest cost component of most productive capitalist enterprises, labor-cost inflation erodes capitalist profits. Capitalism and the system’s beneficiaries will not, therefore, tolerate full employment. This is the nasty little truth that apologists and media windbags dare not speak.
Economists hide this truth by euphemistically coining terms like “marginal” or “frictional” unemployment or inventing obscurantist concepts like the “Non-Accelerating Inflation Rate of Unemployment” that set an increasingly low standard for “full” employment. By linguistic sleight-of-hand, the economics establishment offers cover for capitalist accumulation by ordaining an “acceptable” level of unemployment.
At the same time, this same establishment understands that unemployment is the greatest challenge to the stability of the capitalist system. The frequent sharp rises in unemployment brought on by dislocations, the business cycle, or systemic crisis dramatically increase the levels of social discontent and raise voices that question the system. For those who hold the reins of power, for those whose job is to contain dissatisfaction with capitalism, managing unemployment is essential.
From that perspective, the unemployment rate is arguably the best barometer of the health and viability of the capitalist system. Consequently reports of unemployment rates and trends are politically charged and subject to great differences in interpretation.
“The official unemployment rate… amounts to a Big Lie.”
Recently, the political manipulation of the unemployment rate came under attack from an unlikely source. Jim Clifton, chairman and CEO of Gallup, the polling organization, challenged the notion that the “official” rate of unemployment bore any relation to the realities of unemployment. Indeed, he called the rate a “Big Lie.” It’s worth examining his argument closely:
None of them will tell you this: If you, a family member or anyone is unemployed and has subsequently given up on finding a job — if you are so hopelessly out of work that you’ve stopped looking over the past four weeks — the Department of Labor doesn’t count you as unemployed. That’s right. While you are as unemployed as one can possibly be, and tragically may never find work again, you are not counted in the figure we see relentlessly in the news — currently 5.6%. Right now, as many as 30 million Americans are either out of work or severely underemployed. Trust me, the vast majority of them aren’t throwing parties to toast “falling” unemployment.
There’s another reason why the official rate is misleading. Say you’re an out-of-work engineer or healthcare worker or construction worker or retail manager: If you perform a minimum of one hour of work in a week and are paid at least $20 — maybe someone pays you to mow their lawn — you’re not officially counted as unemployed in the much-reported 5.6%. Few Americans know this.
Yet another figure of importance that doesn’t get much press: those working part time but wanting full-time work. If you have a degree in chemistry or math and are working 10 hours part time because it is all you can find — in other words, you are severely underemployed — the government doesn’t count you in the 5.6%. Few Americans know this.
There’s no other way to say this. The official unemployment rate, which cruelly overlooks the suffering of the long-term and often permanently unemployed as well as the depressingly underemployed, amounts to a Big Lie.
Though Clifton invokes the always suspect “Great American Dream” in his polemic, he fully appreciates the challenge unemployment mounts to the system’s legitimacy:
And it’s a lie that has consequences, because the great American dream is to have a good job, and in recent years, America has failed to deliver that dream more than it has at any time in recent memory. A good job is an individual’s primary identity, their very self-worth, their dignity — it establishes the relationship they have with their friends, community and country. When we fail to deliver a good job that fits a citizen’s talents, training and experience, we are failing the great American dream.
We owe Clifton a thanks for speaking a rare and uncomfortable truth. And we must admire his bitter remonstrations against those who hide, distort, or slant capitalism’s bad performance:
When the media, talking heads, the White House and Wall Street start reporting the truth — the percent of Americans in good jobs; jobs that are full time and real — then we will quit wondering why Americans aren’t “feeling” something that doesn’t remotely reflect the reality in their lives.
Capitalism’s Report Card
Many liberal economists would agree with Clifton that the official rate understates unemployment. Like Clifton, some will concede that those marginally attached to the work force or discouraged from the work force should be counted along with those who have looked for work in the four weeks prior to the survey. The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) extends the survey period to the prior twelve months to capture those unemployment figures. Using those numbers and the numbers of those working part-time for economic reasons, the unemployment rate rises to over 11%.
But it is worth questioning how the BLS defines the labor force. They simply count those as employed who work at some time in their survey period and count as unemployed those who show in their records as looking for work. They add the two up to constitute the labor force. They make no effort in this survey to determine the relationship to employment of the tens of millions of people in the US population not counted as in the labor force because they are neither somewhat employed nor present in the unemployment roles.
Have those left aside given up looking because they could find no job in the years prior to the last twelve months? Are they forced out because they can no longer afford child care or must care for relatives? Does neglected health due to lack of insurance preclude working? Are they victims of racial, gender, or age discrimination?
BLS does not ask and we do not know.
We do know, however, that the labor participation rate, relatively stable for two decades, has dropped precipitously since the 2007-2008 crisis. Roughly five to six million fewer people now count as engaged in the work force at any given time today than did eight years ago. Such a sharp drop in such a short time cannot be explained simply by changes in retirement patterns or work-force entry. Thus, it is not unreasonable to view this shift away from gainful employment negatively in our score card for capitalism.
If we were to count this loss in the labor force with the other sources of unemployment, US unemployment (and underemployment) would move to the vicinity of 15%.
But we can take a longer, deeper view. We can ask pointed questions about those engaged in certain categories of socially useless, even destructive forms of employment as well as those completely isolated from the conventional labor force.
For example, the million-and-a-half military personnel and the three-quarters of a million Defense Department employees constitute unproductive workers whose absorption would present a hurdle to the private sector. High youth unemployment and the expense of education have driven thousands of less advantaged youth to the military as an alternative to unemployment, thus serving as a safety valve to the social volatility of idleness.
Homeland Security and other security agencies have enjoyed bursts of employment thanks to the bogus war on terror. These agencies, too, constitute unneeded public-sector job creation that masks potential unemployment.
And of course there is the weapons industry, a massive private-profit-generating behemoth that engorges itself on public funds, stands apart from market forces and risks, and belches death-dealing instruments. Spawned by a desperate, but post-war fear of economic depression, US ruling elites embraced this perverse form of public-sector Keynesian demand-creation as a companion to Cold War hysteria. Military production drives and is driven by US jingoism. US imperialism and the military-industrial complex constitute a dialectical unity. While millions are employed by this juggernaut, capitalism would struggle to find work for them in a peace-friendly economy.
Undoubtedly the most insidious technique of hiding unemployment is the unfettered, soulless operation of the criminal justice system. Even the English workhouse answer to unemployment in the early eighteenth century was arguably more humane than the US judicial-penal complex,  complex. Inmates in state and federal punitive facilities (not including county and local jails) grew from 329,821 to 1,406,519 from 1980 to 2001! In the same period, the crime rate was relatively stable or declining. In 2010 the number of adults warehoused in so-called correctional facilities totaled almost 2,300,000.
The 2013 incarceration rate was six times the rate of 1925. Given the absence of virtually any social services or welfare, the high incidence of poverty, and the squalor of US urban areas in 1925, it is difficult to explain the explosion of incarceration in our era of relatively tame criminality without searching for political expediencies.
Half a million guards and administrators shepherd this population; another half a million churn the gears of questionable justice; and a million police harvest the inmates from the streets. Like the military-industrial complex, the police-judicial-prison industry removes millions from productive activity and warehouses hundreds of thousands of those potentially counted as unemployed. Whether the inmates turn to crime because they have no jobs or not, they effectively are dropped from the labor force. Moreover, nearly 5,000,000 US citizens are on parole or probation, a circumstance that lowers the prospect for employment dramatically. Certainly thousands, if not millions, of these people fall into that statistically ignored area beyond the BLS labor-force boundary. They, too, must be counted as part of the hidden unemployed.
Understanding that unemployment is the Achilles’s heel of the capitalist system, it is not surprising that the official rate is so highly politicized. But it is misleading to accept the official rate or even the useful corrections without also exposing the concealed institutional places where employment is linked to destructive, anti-social activities or where potential workers are forcibly excluded from the work force.
When carefully studied, capitalism’s score on providing jobs is abysmal. Reformers who envision a capitalism divorced from militarism and its institutions, but robust with useful jobs, are naïve. The struggle against militarism, in the end, must take the road of a struggle against imperialism and its parent, capitalism — a revolutionary and not reformist path. Only with socialism will alternative jobs be guaranteed.
Similarly, caging those who have been ill-equipped to fit into a savagely competitive employment scramble only foretells a similar fate for those who pose other challenges to the system. Liberals and reformers miss this point entirely. Nor do they have a plan to incorporate those warehoused by the judicial-penal system into the private capitalist economy.
As Marx anticipated, the quest for a decent job marks the first step in the journey to socialism.
Zoltan Zigedy
Response To “It’s Time We Believed Warren. She’s Not Running.”
| February 22, 2015 | 4:19 pm | Analysis, Bernie Sanders, National, political struggle | 1 Comment
by A. Shaw
So, according to the article, Elizabeth Warren is the choice of “progressives” because she warns us about the threat to democracy posed by the concentration of capital in the hands of a small group of people. Apart from Bernie Sanders, the article alleges, no other high-profile politician warns us about this threat to democracy. But Warren is not running and it’s time to accept that fact. Last week, Warren and Clinton met before the big bourgeois media so that Warren could effectively endorse Clinton, attempting to lead Warren’s supporters into Clinton’s camp. Warren didn’t decide against running, the article argues, because Clinton has a big lead in the polls and a lot of money. Warren isn’t scared of Clinton, the article finds.Warren decided against running because she simply isn’t interested in the presidency, the article concludes.
When the article finds that Warren isn’t running, it stands on solid ground. But when the article speculates about Warren’s motive for not running, it skates on thin ice.
What is the likely effect caused by Warren’s decision not to run?
Recent polls in Iowa and NH average out as follows:
Clinton …… 38%
Biden……….15%
Warren …….  7%
Sanders ……  5%
Clinton leads Warren by 31 points in the chart above.
But in a head-to-head Clinton-Warren matchup in Iowa, Clinton ran 15 points ahead of Warren, at 51%-36%, a Jan 13-15 poll by Douglas Schoen shows.
The 15 point difference between the poll of the field and the poll of the head-to-head matchup implies that there is something illusory about Clinton’s big lead. We saw something like this in 2008 when Clinton suffered a meltdown after holding a big lead for over a year.
Who gets the mass of Warren’s 7% now that Warren is out?
Clinton’s appeal to Warren’s 7% rests mainly on Warren’s implied endorsements of Clinton even though Clinton says little or nothing about the threat to democracy posed by the concentration of capital.
Biden seems to have very little appeal to Warren’s “progressives.”
Sanders appeals to Warren’s “progressives” because he and Warren talk about the same things in the same way. But Clinton has to expose herself as laissez faire and a warhawk before the whole country takes a real close look at Sanders.
Most likely, the mass of the electorate will go for Sanders.